Wednesday, January 28, 2009

TELANGANA MANTALU

Graveyard of congress in India

Wednesday, January 7, 2009

SOCIAL JUSTICE AND TELANGANA

By P L Vishweshwer Rao & M H Ahssan

The democratic system of governance made no difference to the concentration of power.

As things stand today, the long cherished dream of the people of Telangana to have a separate state is likely to come true sooner than later, given the electoral compulsions of the political parties which have all come around to accepting it with the exception of the Congress. At last, the souls of those who laid down their lives in the struggle for a separate identity will now rest in peace. No longer will the people of Telangana feel alien in their own land; no longer will they be ridiculed for their language. They will get their share of jobs, water and funds. Will they? Will social justice that is being promised by every political party that is hoping to come to power on the back of Telangana, be translated into reality? In any case, just what should social justice entail?

The country was freed from its colonial rulers 60 years ago, but the people of Telangana continue to be oppressed by neo-feudalism which is driven by caste dominance. The ushering in of the modern era and the democratic system of governance made no difference to the concentration of power among a few forward castes. These castes which comprise a mere 10 per cent of the population have dominated over 90 per cent of the people. The feudals donned the garb of democracy and continued to monopolise political and economic power in the post-colonial era. Their hold was legitimised by elections which they manipulated with the help of their immense economic power. Political power fuelled their economic power and vice versa, generation after generation.

One example is sufficient to demonstrate the prevailing injustice caused by caste hegemony. Out of 109 seats in Telangana in the present AP Assembly, forward castes who constitute a mere 10 per cent, occupy 72 per cent of seats while 90 per cent of the people have to be content with 28 per cent of seats. While SCs and STs (comprising 15 per cent and nine per cent respectively) are fairly represented thanks to the reservation policy, the BCs and minorities are worst affected. BCs who comprise 52 per cent of the population have a mere 16 per cent of the seats and minorities who are 14 per cent have only five per cent. Among the BCs, while the numerically larger castes like Munnuru Kapu, Goud, Yadava, Mudiraj, Padmashali have managed to get some representation, the smaller castes like Waddera, Rajaka, Boya, Gondu, etc so far have had no representation in the Assembly.

Political representation is only one aspect of social justice. The other aspects include socio-economic well-being, opportunities for growth, emancipation and empowerment. Social justice means liberation from illiteracy, gender disparity, poverty and dependency.

Half of the population, namely women, remain steeped in illiteracy, poverty and are victims of all kinds of violence. They are among the most oppressed and therefore, they should be a top priority of the state. Girls should get free education up to college. The legal marriage age should be strictly implemented and child marriages should be stopped with an iron hand. Bonded labour and child labour are a blot on any civilised society and they are rampant in Telangana. The rights of tribals over their forest land and forest produce should be restored. The Constitution enjoins the state to take care of the weak and the deprived. Therefore, budgetary allocations for welfare should be proportionate to their population.

Importantly, the self-esteem of the deprived groups needs to be developed by promoting role models from among their own. The life and achievements of personalities like B R Ambedkar, Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Narayan Guru, Chakali Ailamma, Komran Bheem, Turrebaz Khan should be taught in schools and colleges.

Crucially, the Constitution should be used as an instrument of change. It should be implemented in letter and spirit, to benefit those for whom it was written. Social justice means making the weak strong, giving them control over their lives and livelihood and liberating them from an existence of dependency.

The Concept Of Social Justice
The term social justice was first used in 1840 by a Sicilian priest, Luigi Taparelli d'Azeglio, and given prominence by Antonio Rosmini Serbati in La Costitutione Civile Secondo la Giustizia Sociale in 1848. It has also enjoyed a significant audience among theorists since John Rawls book. A Theory of Justice has used it as a pseudonym of distributive justice.

The concept of social justice is a revolutionary concept which provides meaning and significance to life and makes the rule of law dynamic. When Indian society seeks to meet the challenge of socio-economic inequality by its legislation and with the assistance of the rule of law, it seeks to achieve economic justice without any violent conflict. The ideal of a welfare state postulates unceasing pursuit of the doctrine of social justice. That is the significance and importance of the concept of social justice in the Indian context of today.

The idea of welfare state is that the claims of social justice must be treated as cardinal and paramount. Social justice is not a blind concept or a preposterous dogma. It seeks to do justice to all the citizen of the state. Democracy, therefore, must not show excess of valour by imposing unnecessary legislative regulations and prohibitions, in the same way as they must not show timidity in attacking the problem of inequality by refusing the past the necessary and reasonable regulatory measures at all. Constant endeavour has to be made to sustain individual freedom and liberty and subject them to reasonable regulation and control as to achieve socio-economic justice. Social justice must be achieved by adopting necessary and reasonable measures. That, shortly stated, is the concept of social justice and its implications.

Citizens zealous of their individual freedom and liberty must co-operate with democracy which seeks to regulate freedom and liberty in the interest of social good, but they must be able to resist the imposition of any restraints on individual liberty and freedom which are not rationally and reasonably required in the interests of public good, in a democratic way. It is in the light of these difficult times that the rule of law comes into operation and the judges have to play their role without fear or favour, uninfluenced by any considerations of dogma or isms. The term social justice is a blanket term so as to include both social justice and economic justice.

The Problems Of The Poor In India
This vice of social inequality assumes a particularly reprehensible form in relation to the backward classes and communities which are treated as untouchable; and so the problem of social justice is as urgent and important in India as is the problem of economic justice. Equality of opportunity to all the citizens to develop their individual personalities and to participate in the pleasures and happiness of life is the goal of economic justice. The concept of social justice thus takes within its sweep the objectives of removing all inequalities and affording equal opportunities to all citizens in social affairs as well as economic activities.

The problem of poverty and unequal distribution of wealth may be confined to the bigger cities and towns in India but the problem accentuated by the vice of social inequality existing in a gross form prevails in all of our villages. For instance, the harijans constitute a large class of landless labourers who are treated as untouchables by the rest of the community, who have no house to live in, generally no clothes to wear, who do not get food to eat & sometimes even decent drinking water is beyond their reach. The poor also have no access to legal assistance. Poor people are vulnerable to injustice. Poverty fosters frustration, ill feeling and a brooding sense of injustice. Democracy realizes that this problem which concerns a large number of citizens cannot be successfully met unless law is used wisely to restore balance to the economic structure and to remove the causes of economic inequality.

The Constitution Of India And Social Justice
The Constitution of India has solemnly promised to all its citizens justices-social, economic and political; liberty of thought expression, belief, faith and worship; equality of status and of opportunity; and to promote among the all fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity of the nation. The Constitution has attempted to attune the apparently conflicting claims of socio-economic justice and of individual liberty and fundamental rights by putting some relevant provisions.

Article 19 enshrines the fundamental rights of the citizens of this country. The seven sub-clauses of Article 19(1) guarantee the citizens seven different kinds of freedom and recognize them as their fundamental rights. Article 19 considered as a whole furnishes a very satisfactory and rational basis for adjusting the claims of individual rights of freedom and the claims of public good.

Articles 23 and 24 provide for fundamental rights against exploitation. Article 24, in particular, prohibits an employer from employing a child below the age of 14 years in any factory or mine or in any other hazardous employment. Article 31 makes a specific provision in regard to the fundamental right to property and deals with the vexed problem of compulsory acquisition of property.

Article 38 requires that the state should make an effort to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice social, economic and political shall inform all the institutions of national life. Article 39 clause (a) says that the State shall secure that the operation of the legal system promotes justice, on a basis of equal opportunity, and shall, in particular provide free legal aid, by suitable legislation or schemes, or in any other way, to ensure that opportunities for securing justice are not denied to any citizen by reason of economic or other disabilities.

Article 41 recognizes every citizen's right to work, to education & to public assistance in cases of unemployment, old age, sickness & disablement and in other cases of undeserved want. Article 42 stresses the importance of securing just and humane conditions of work & for maternity relief. Article 43 holds before the working population the ideal of the living wage and Article 46 emphasizes the importance of the promotion of educational and economic interests of schedule castes, schedule tribes and other weaker sections.

The social problem presented by the existence of a very large number of citizens who are treated as untouchables has received the special attention of the Constitution as Article 15 (1) prohibits discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. The state would be entitled to make special provisions for women and children, and for advancement of any social and educationally backward classes of citizens, or for the SC/STs.

A similar exception is provided to the principle of equality of opportunity prescribed by Article 16 (1) in as much as Article 16(4) allows the state to make provision for the resolution of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the state, is not adequately represented in the services under the state. Article 17 proclaims that untouchability has been abolished & forbids its practice in any form & it provides that the enforcement of untouchability shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law. This is the code of provisions dealing with the problem of achieving the ideal of socio- economic justice in this country which has been prescribed by the Constitution of India.

Where Does The Solution Lie?
The solution to social injustice lies within us only. We should be aware of the expressions - the poor, the backwards, social justice which are being used to undermine standards, to flout norms and to put institutions to work. We should subject every claim whether it is made in the name of the poor, the backward, whosoever to rational examination. After it has been in effect for a while, subject every concession to empirical evidence.

We should shift from equality of outcomes to equality of opportunities. And in striving towards that, nudge politicians to move away from the easy option of just decreeing some reservations, etc to doing the detailed and continuous work that positive help requires, the assistance that the disadvantaged need for availing of equal opportunities. We must bear in mind that if the majority disregards smaller sections in the community, it drives them to rebellion. We should try to refashion the policies of state on truly secular and liberal principles. The individual and not the group should be the unit of state policy.

Since no society is static, and social processes are constantly changing, a good legal system is one which ensures that laws adapt to the changing situations and ensure social good. Any legal system aiming to ensure good should ensure the basic dignity of the human being and the inherent need of every individual to grow into the fullness of life. The hope of the Indian masses does not lie in the legal system alone, but in their conscious awakening and fight for social and economic justice. Knowledge of their legal rights however, can be an important motivating force in this. Many NGO's and individuals are emerging in different parts of the country to take up the cause of social change and change for a more just India, where justice will not merely be talked about in intellectual discussions on the intricacies of law, or written about in books, which the masses can't read, or exchanged for good old money, but actually lived and experienced by the majority of the people.

Indian Judiciary'S Interpretation Of Social Justice
In Oriental Insurance Co. Ltd. v/s Hansrajbai V. Kodala (2001) the Apex Court held that "The object is to expeditiously extend social justice to the needy victims of accidents curtailing delay - If still the question of determining compensation of fault liability is kept alive, it would result in additional litigation and complications in case claimants fail to establish liability of defendants - Wherever the Legislature wanted to provide additional compensation, it has done so specifically."

The Supreme Court has firmly ruled in Balbir Kaur v/s Steel Authority of India (2000) that "the concept of social justice is the yardstick to the justice administration system or the legal justice and it would be an obligation for the law Courts to apply the law depending upon the situation in a manner whichever is beneficial for the society" as the respondent Steel Authority of India was directed to provide compassionate employment to the appellant. In Superintending Engineer, Public Health, U.T. Chandigarh v/s Kuldeep Singh (1997) the Supreme Court held that "It is the duty of the authorities to take special care of reservations in appointments as a part of their constitutional duties to accord economic and social justice to the reserved categories of communities. If ST candidate is not available, the vacancy has to be given to SC candidate and the reserved roster point has to be filled in accordingly". In Ashok Kumar Gupta v/s State of U.P. (1997) it was held by the Apex court that "To give proper representation to SC/ST Dalits in services is a social justice which is a fundamental right to the disadvantaged. It cannot be said that reservation in promotions is bad in law or unconstitutional."

In Consumer Education & Research Centre v/s Union of India (1995) it was held that "Social justice is a device to ensure life to be meaningful and livable with human dignity. State has to provide facilities to reach minimum standard of health, economic security and civilized living to the workmen. Social justice is a means to ensure life to be meaningful and livable."

So we can see that the Supreme Court has always stepped in to protect the interest of the Indian citizens, whether it has been has the case of consumer protection or claiming insurance or be it representation of suppressed classes. It has used the medium of social justice as an umbrella term to deliver justice.

Friday, December 19, 2008

HNN OPINION POLL SEES NAIDU SWEEPING AP AND NTP GETS MAJORITY IN TELANGANA

By M H Ahssan

The Telugu desam party (TDP) of N.Chandrababu Naidu and its allies are favored to bag a majority of the assembly seats in the upcoming elections, according to a statewide opinion poll conducted by Hyderabad New Network (HNN).

The poll, with a sample size of 19015 respondents from the 119 assembly seats in Telangana and 294 seats in entire state of Andhra Pradesh was conducted in the first three days of the December and a backup poll of 2018 respondents was undertaken on 15 and 16 December 2008.

According to HNN poll:
- The TDP and its allies to win 25 to 30 seats helped by a positive swing of regularly 12% in Telangana and 92-105 seats in state assembly.

- The compress may end up with a tally of 15-20 seats in Telangana and 85-105 seats in state assembly, after registering a negative swing of 18%.

- The BJP and its allies are likely to finish with 3-5 seats in Telangana and 7-12 seats in state assembly with negative swing of 27%.

- TDP Leader N Chandrababu Naidu most favored chief minister candidate scoring almost 52% on the popularity chat follows by 50% on the popularity chart. Follow by 50% favoritism for ruling congress chief minister YSR and 48% for newly emerged political icon Chiranjeevi, while Telangana Chief Ministerial most favored candidate is KCR followed by T Devender Goud With 72% and 68% respectively.

- Sonia campaign for the congress may not have much of an impact on the outcome. Nearly 60% of the respondents ruled out the possibility of the congress reaping a rich electoral harvest owing to the same Rahul or recent electoral success in Delhi or Rajasthan.

Most of the seats to the TDP may accrue from the north and the west of the state, where it is poised to sweep the polls. The TDP and its electoral allies seem to have finally broken the 30% vote from x thanks to primarily to Naidu’s efforts.

The poll reveals that 77% of the state votes have made up their mind on the party they want to support, leaving 23% in the ‘still confused’ or ‘not yet decide’ category.

A hefty by positive swing of about 14% votes makes the TDP the front runners with coastal districts and some parts of Telangana and Rayalaseema the Congress is in second place as of now, but the balance may tilt in favor of the Chiranjeevi PRP once the election announcement made.

A similar scenario emerges in the northern districts barring Hyderabad where MIM, MBT and other are well entranced and there are same resistance from the BJP & left parties.

In southern Andhra, three cornered contracts will be seen in many constituencies. Though the TDP after well placed here too, the shift of voters from the congress towards the PRP hence may there up a surprise or two.

Stability, terrorism , social justice and corruption are likely to be the cornerstone of electoral issues with almost three fourths of respondents sensitive to these issuing, she much drummed ‘secularism’ factor may fall by the wayside, with a majority saying ‘no’ to the anti secular tag associated work BJP.

The millions dollar question will Sonia’s entry result in victory for the congress-the answer at the movement seems to be a big ‘no’ with almost 60% of the respondent ruling out any impact of her presences in the electoral arena.

Major Debatable Issues:

• Telugu actor Balakrishna’s political entry in TDP
• NTR family involvement in TDP
• Film personalities impact
• KCR political stunts and gimmicks
• MIM undemocratic behavior and anti-muslim agendas
• BJP – hindu terrorism
• PRP – family rule policy

T-varsity Can’t Afford RTI Compliance

By M H Ahssan

The Right To Information Act (RTI), intended to empower the public and bring out administrative transparency, has turned into a nightmare for the fledgling Telangana University based in Nizamabad. The authorities of the university, who have neither trained personnel nor enough funds to serve the public under the Act, are at their wits end as to how to cope with the pressure generated by genuine and motivated applicants, without attracting the contempt of the State Information Commission.

What has hit Telangana University is a recent request by two of its students, C Varadaiah and N Soundarya, who sought information related to all recruitments done in the past three years ever since the varsity was set up. Normally, a request for providing information does not pose a problem for the university as it would levy charges for the stationery and photocopying of the documents.

But the present case is posing a huge problem for the varsity. This is because as per rules, anyone who falls in the Below Poverty Line (BPL) category should be provided the information without being charged for the stationery and photocopying. All the applicant needs to do is attach a copy of his BPL ration card with his request, said officials.

It is the statistics involved in obliging this particular request by two students falling in the BPL category that has stumped the varsity officials. Varadaiah and Soundarya sought copies of notification pertaining to the recruitments done in 2006, 2007 and 2008, the applications the university received along with all enclosures including call letters sent and copies of the joining reports from the university.
Telangana University registrar K Sivasankar told HNN that the varsity had recruited only 38 teaching and five non-teaching staff during the last three-year period. “However, 1,000 applications had been received. If we have to comply with the request of these two students, we would have to provide them 24,872 pages of information,” the registrar said.

The numbers involved in this exercise has the cash-strapped university groping in the dark.“We have no funds to purchase enough stationery for photocopying nearly 25,000 pages of documents. Apart from the cost, we have no staff to do clerical work of this magnitude,” Sivasankar said. He also lamented the fact that no authority had ever trained them on matters pertaining to the RTI Act.

But that is not all. Before providing this information, the university has to seek and obtain permission from all the 1,000 applicants for the information pertaining them to be disclosed to any applicant under the RTI act. “Who will do the dispatch job? The entire university has only 5 nonteaching personnel. And where will we get the funds for the work?” he asks.

According to Sivasankar, the university has no provision to spend money for disclosing information under the RTI act. As of now, an assistant professor from the faculty of law has been designated as the PIO with an honorarium of Rs 1000. After seeing the massive work needed in putting together nearly 25,000 pages of information from various sources, the PIO is reluctant to continue to hold the responsibility, said the registrar.

And to top it all, the university should complete the process within 30 days from the date of receipt of the application.”Imagine what will happen if others also apply for the same information,” he wondered.

Meanwhile, applicant Varadaiah claimed that the information was needed to verify the irregularities allegedly committed by the authorities in the recruitment. “The university cannot abdicate its responsibility in providing information on the pretext of paucity of funds, lack of personnel and bulky nature of the work,” he insists.