TELANGANA SPECTRUM

TELANGANA MANTALU

2009-01-28T04:27:00.001-08:00

Graveyard of congress in India

2009-01-28T04:16:00.000-08:00

SOCIAL JUSTICE AND TELANGANA

2009-01-07T00:00:00.000-08:00

By P L Vishweshwer Rao & M H Ahssan

The democratic system of governance made no difference to the concentration of power.

As things stand today, the long cherished dream of the people of Telangana to have a separate state is likely to come true sooner than later, given the electoral compulsions of the political parties which have all come around to accepting it with the exception of the Congress. At last, the souls of those who laid down their lives in the struggle for a separate identity will now rest in peace. No longer will the people of Telangana feel alien in their own land; no longer will they be ridiculed for their language. They will get their share of jobs, water and funds. Will they? Will social justice that is being promised by every political party that is hoping to come to power on the back of Telangana, be translated into reality? In any case, just what should social justice entail?

The country was freed from its colonial rulers 60 years ago, but the people of Telangana continue to be oppressed by neo-feudalism which is driven by caste dominance. The ushering in of the modern era and the democratic system of governance made no difference to the concentration of power among a few forward castes. These castes which comprise a mere 10 per cent of the population have dominated over 90 per cent of the people. The feudals donned the garb of democracy and continued to monopolise political and economic power in the post-colonial era. Their hold was legitimised by elections which they manipulated with the help of their immense economic power. Political power fuelled their economic power and vice versa, generation after generation.

One example is sufficient to demonstrate the prevailing injustice caused by caste hegemony. Out of 109 seats in Telangana in the present AP Assembly, forward castes who constitute a mere 10 per cent, occupy 72 per cent of seats while 90 per cent of the people have to be content with 28 per cent of seats. While SCs and STs (comprising 15 per cent and nine per cent respectively) are fairly represented thanks to the reservation policy, the BCs and minorities are worst affected. BCs who comprise 52 per cent of the population have a mere 16 per cent of the seats and minorities who are 14 per cent have only five per cent. Among the BCs, while the numerically larger castes like Munnuru Kapu, Goud, Yadava, Mudiraj, Padmashali have managed to get some representation, the smaller castes like Waddera, Rajaka, Boya, Gondu, etc so far have had no representation in the Assembly.

Political representation is only one aspect of social justice. The other aspects include socio-economic well-being, opportunities for growth, emancipation and empowerment. Social justice means liberation from illiteracy, gender disparity, poverty and dependency.

Half of the population, namely women, remain steeped in illiteracy, poverty and are victims of all kinds of violence. They are among the most oppressed and therefore, they should be a top priority of the state. Girls should get free education up to college. The legal marriage age should be strictly implemented and child marriages should be stopped with an iron hand. Bonded labour and child labour are a blot on any civilised society and they are rampant in Telangana. The rights of tribals over their forest land and forest produce should be restored. The Constitution enjoins the state to take care of the weak and the deprived. Therefore, budgetary allocations for welfare should be proportionate to their population.

Importantly, the self-esteem of the deprived groups needs to be developed by promoting role models from among their own. The life and achievements of personalities like B R Ambedkar, Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Narayan Guru, Chakali Ailamma, Komran Bheem, Turrebaz Khan should be taught in schools and colleges.

Crucially, the Constitution should be used as an instrument of change. It should be implemented in letter and spirit, to benefit those for whom it was written. Social justice means making the weak strong, giving them control over their lives and livelihood and liberating them from an existence of dependency.

The Concept Of Social Justice
The term social justice was first used in 1840 by a Sicilian priest, Luigi Taparelli d'Azeglio, and given prominence by Antonio Rosmini Serbati in La Costitutione Civile Secondo la Giustizia Sociale in 1848. It has also enjoyed a significant audience among theorists since John Rawls book. A Theory of Justice has used it as a pseudonym of distributive justice.

The concept of social justice is a revolutionary concept which provides meaning and significance to life and makes the rule of law dynamic. When Indian society seeks to meet the challenge of socio-economic inequality by its legislation and with the assistance of the rule of law, it seeks to achieve economic justice without any violent conflict. The ideal of a welfare state postulates unceasing pursuit of the doctrine of social justice. That is the significance and importance of the concept of social justice in the Indian context of today.

The idea of welfare state is that the claims of social justice must be treated as cardinal and paramount. Social justice is not a blind concept or a preposterous dogma. It seeks to do justice to all the citizen of the state. Democracy, therefore, must not show excess of valour by imposing unnecessary legislative regulations and prohibitions, in the same way as they must not show timidity in attacking the problem of inequality by refusing the past the necessary and reasonable regulatory measures at all. Constant endeavour has to be made to sustain individual freedom and liberty and subject them to reasonable regulation and control as to achieve socio-economic justice. Social justice must be achieved by adopting necessary and reasonable measures. That, shortly stated, is the concept of social justice and its implications.

Citizens zealous of their individual freedom and liberty must co-operate with democracy which seeks to regulate freedom and liberty in the interest of social good, but they must be able to resist the imposition of any restraints on individual liberty and freedom which are not rationally and reasonably required in the interests of public good, in a democratic way. It is in the light of these difficult times that the rule of law comes into operation and the judges have to play their role without fear or favour, uninfluenced by any considerations of dogma or isms. The term social justice is a blanket term so as to include both social justice and economic justice.

The Problems Of The Poor In India
This vice of social inequality assumes a particularly reprehensible form in relation to the backward classes and communities which are treated as untouchable; and so the problem of social justice is as urgent and important in India as is the problem of economic justice. Equality of opportunity to all the citizens to develop their individual personalities and to participate in the pleasures and happiness of life is the goal of economic justice. The concept of social justice thus takes within its sweep the objectives of removing all inequalities and affording equal opportunities to all citizens in social affairs as well as economic activities.

The problem of poverty and unequal distribution of wealth may be confined to the bigger cities and towns in India but the problem accentuated by the vice of social inequality existing in a gross form prevails in all of our villages. For instance, the harijans constitute a large class of landless labourers who are treated as untouchables by the rest of the community, who have no house to live in, generally no clothes to wear, who do not get food to eat & sometimes even decent drinking water is beyond their reach. The poor also have no access to legal assistance. Poor people are vulnerable to injustice. Poverty fosters frustration, ill feeling and a brooding sense of injustice. Democracy realizes that this problem which concerns a large number of citizens cannot be successfully met unless law is used wisely to restore balance to the economic structure and to remove the causes of economic inequality.

The Constitution Of India And Social Justice
The Constitution of India has solemnly promised to all its citizens justices-social, economic and political; liberty of thought expression, belief, faith and worship; equality of status and of opportunity; and to promote among the all fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity of the nation. The Constitution has attempted to attune the apparently conflicting claims of socio-economic justice and of individual liberty and fundamental rights by putting some relevant provisions.

Article 19 enshrines the fundamental rights of the citizens of this country. The seven sub-clauses of Article 19(1) guarantee the citizens seven different kinds of freedom and recognize them as their fundamental rights. Article 19 considered as a whole furnishes a very satisfactory and rational basis for adjusting the claims of individual rights of freedom and the claims of public good.

Articles 23 and 24 provide for fundamental rights against exploitation. Article 24, in particular, prohibits an employer from employing a child below the age of 14 years in any factory or mine or in any other hazardous employment. Article 31 makes a specific provision in regard to the fundamental right to property and deals with the vexed problem of compulsory acquisition of property.

Article 38 requires that the state should make an effort to promote the welfare of the people by securing and protecting as effectively as it may a social order in which justice social, economic and political shall inform all the institutions of national life. Article 39 clause (a) says that the State shall secure that the operation of the legal system promotes justice, on a basis of equal opportunity, and shall, in particular provide free legal aid, by suitable legislation or schemes, or in any other way, to ensure that opportunities for securing justice are not denied to any citizen by reason of economic or other disabilities.

Article 41 recognizes every citizen's right to work, to education & to public assistance in cases of unemployment, old age, sickness & disablement and in other cases of undeserved want. Article 42 stresses the importance of securing just and humane conditions of work & for maternity relief. Article 43 holds before the working population the ideal of the living wage and Article 46 emphasizes the importance of the promotion of educational and economic interests of schedule castes, schedule tribes and other weaker sections.

The social problem presented by the existence of a very large number of citizens who are treated as untouchables has received the special attention of the Constitution as Article 15 (1) prohibits discrimination on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. The state would be entitled to make special provisions for women and children, and for advancement of any social and educationally backward classes of citizens, or for the SC/STs.

A similar exception is provided to the principle of equality of opportunity prescribed by Article 16 (1) in as much as Article 16(4) allows the state to make provision for the resolution of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the state, is not adequately represented in the services under the state. Article 17 proclaims that untouchability has been abolished & forbids its practice in any form & it provides that the enforcement of untouchability shall be an offence punishable in accordance with law. This is the code of provisions dealing with the problem of achieving the ideal of socio- economic justice in this country which has been prescribed by the Constitution of India.

Where Does The Solution Lie?
The solution to social injustice lies within us only. We should be aware of the expressions - the poor, the backwards, social justice which are being used to undermine standards, to flout norms and to put institutions to work. We should subject every claim whether it is made in the name of the poor, the backward, whosoever to rational examination. After it has been in effect for a while, subject every concession to empirical evidence.

We should shift from equality of outcomes to equality of opportunities. And in striving towards that, nudge politicians to move away from the easy option of just decreeing some reservations, etc to doing the detailed and continuous work that positive help requires, the assistance that the disadvantaged need for availing of equal opportunities. We must bear in mind that if the majority disregards smaller sections in the community, it drives them to rebellion. We should try to refashion the policies of state on truly secular and liberal principles. The individual and not the group should be the unit of state policy.

Since no society is static, and social processes are constantly changing, a good legal system is one which ensures that laws adapt to the changing situations and ensure social good. Any legal system aiming to ensure good should ensure the basic dignity of the human being and the inherent need of every individual to grow into the fullness of life. The hope of the Indian masses does not lie in the legal system alone, but in their conscious awakening and fight for social and economic justice. Knowledge of their legal rights however, can be an important motivating force in this. Many NGO's and individuals are emerging in different parts of the country to take up the cause of social change and change for a more just India, where justice will not merely be talked about in intellectual discussions on the intricacies of law, or written about in books, which the masses can't read, or exchanged for good old money, but actually lived and experienced by the majority of the people.

Indian Judiciary'S Interpretation Of Social Justice
In Oriental Insurance Co. Ltd. v/s Hansrajbai V. Kodala (2001) the Apex Court held that "The object is to expeditiously extend social justice to the needy victims of accidents curtailing delay - If still the question of determining compensation of fault liability is kept alive, it would result in additional litigation and complications in case claimants fail to establish liability of defendants - Wherever the Legislature wanted to provide additional compensation, it has done so specifically."

The Supreme Court has firmly ruled in Balbir Kaur v/s Steel Authority of India (2000) that "the concept of social justice is the yardstick to the justice administration system or the legal justice and it would be an obligation for the law Courts to apply the law depending upon the situation in a manner whichever is beneficial for the society" as the respondent Steel Authority of India was directed to provide compassionate employment to the appellant. In Superintending Engineer, Public Health, U.T. Chandigarh v/s Kuldeep Singh (1997) the Supreme Court held that "It is the duty of the authorities to take special care of reservations in appointments as a part of their constitutional duties to accord economic and social justice to the reserved categories of communities. If ST candidate is not available, the vacancy has to be given to SC candidate and the reserved roster point has to be filled in accordingly". In Ashok Kumar Gupta v/s State of U.P. (1997) it was held by the Apex court that "To give proper representation to SC/ST Dalits in services is a social justice which is a fundamental right to the disadvantaged. It cannot be said that reservation in promotions is bad in law or unconstitutional."

In Consumer Education & Research Centre v/s Union of India (1995) it was held that "Social justice is a device to ensure life to be meaningful and livable with human dignity. State has to provide facilities to reach minimum standard of health, economic security and civilized living to the workmen. Social justice is a means to ensure life to be meaningful and livable."

So we can see that the Supreme Court has always stepped in to protect the interest of the Indian citizens, whether it has been has the case of consumer protection or claiming insurance or be it representation of suppressed classes. It has used the medium of social justice as an umbrella term to deliver justice.

HNN OPINION POLL SEES NAIDU SWEEPING AP AND NTP GETS MAJORITY IN TELANGANA

2008-12-19T23:42:00.000-08:00

By M H Ahssan

The Telugu desam party (TDP) of N.Chandrababu Naidu and its allies are favored to bag a majority of the assembly seats in the upcoming elections, according to a statewide opinion poll conducted by Hyderabad New Network (HNN).

The poll, with a sample size of 19015 respondents from the 119 assembly seats in Telangana and 294 seats in entire state of Andhra Pradesh was conducted in the first three days of the December and a backup poll of 2018 respondents was undertaken on 15 and 16 December 2008.

According to HNN poll:
- The TDP and its allies to win 25 to 30 seats helped by a positive swing of regularly 12% in Telangana and 92-105 seats in state assembly.

- The compress may end up with a tally of 15-20 seats in Telangana and 85-105 seats in state assembly, after registering a negative swing of 18%.

- The BJP and its allies are likely to finish with 3-5 seats in Telangana and 7-12 seats in state assembly with negative swing of 27%.

- TDP Leader N Chandrababu Naidu most favored chief minister candidate scoring almost 52% on the popularity chat follows by 50% on the popularity chart. Follow by 50% favoritism for ruling congress chief minister YSR and 48% for newly emerged political icon Chiranjeevi, while Telangana Chief Ministerial most favored candidate is KCR followed by T Devender Goud With 72% and 68% respectively.

- Sonia campaign for the congress may not have much of an impact on the outcome. Nearly 60% of the respondents ruled out the possibility of the congress reaping a rich electoral harvest owing to the same Rahul or recent electoral success in Delhi or Rajasthan.

Most of the seats to the TDP may accrue from the north and the west of the state, where it is poised to sweep the polls. The TDP and its electoral allies seem to have finally broken the 30% vote from x thanks to primarily to Naidu’s efforts.

The poll reveals that 77% of the state votes have made up their mind on the party they want to support, leaving 23% in the ‘still confused’ or ‘not yet decide’ category.

A hefty by positive swing of about 14% votes makes the TDP the front runners with coastal districts and some parts of Telangana and Rayalaseema the Congress is in second place as of now, but the balance may tilt in favor of the Chiranjeevi PRP once the election announcement made.

A similar scenario emerges in the northern districts barring Hyderabad where MIM, MBT and other are well entranced and there are same resistance from the BJP & left parties.

In southern Andhra, three cornered contracts will be seen in many constituencies. Though the TDP after well placed here too, the shift of voters from the congress towards the PRP hence may there up a surprise or two.

Stability, terrorism , social justice and corruption are likely to be the cornerstone of electoral issues with almost three fourths of respondents sensitive to these issuing, she much drummed ‘secularism’ factor may fall by the wayside, with a majority saying ‘no’ to the anti secular tag associated work BJP.

The millions dollar question will Sonia’s entry result in victory for the congress-the answer at the movement seems to be a big ‘no’ with almost 60% of the respondent ruling out any impact of her presences in the electoral arena.

Major Debatable Issues:

• Telugu actor Balakrishna’s political entry in TDP
• NTR family involvement in TDP
• Film personalities impact
• KCR political stunts and gimmicks
• MIM undemocratic behavior and anti-muslim agendas
• BJP – hindu terrorism
• PRP – family rule policy

T-varsity Can’t Afford RTI Compliance

2008-12-19T22:06:00.002-08:00

By M H Ahssan

The Right To Information Act (RTI), intended to empower the public and bring out administrative transparency, has turned into a nightmare for the fledgling Telangana University based in Nizamabad. The authorities of the university, who have neither trained personnel nor enough funds to serve the public under the Act, are at their wits end as to how to cope with the pressure generated by genuine and motivated applicants, without attracting the contempt of the State Information Commission.

What has hit Telangana University is a recent request by two of its students, C Varadaiah and N Soundarya, who sought information related to all recruitments done in the past three years ever since the varsity was set up. Normally, a request for providing information does not pose a problem for the university as it would levy charges for the stationery and photocopying of the documents.

But the present case is posing a huge problem for the varsity. This is because as per rules, anyone who falls in the Below Poverty Line (BPL) category should be provided the information without being charged for the stationery and photocopying. All the applicant needs to do is attach a copy of his BPL ration card with his request, said officials.

It is the statistics involved in obliging this particular request by two students falling in the BPL category that has stumped the varsity officials. Varadaiah and Soundarya sought copies of notification pertaining to the recruitments done in 2006, 2007 and 2008, the applications the university received along with all enclosures including call letters sent and copies of the joining reports from the university.
Telangana University registrar K Sivasankar told HNN that the varsity had recruited only 38 teaching and five non-teaching staff during the last three-year period. “However, 1,000 applications had been received. If we have to comply with the request of these two students, we would have to provide them 24,872 pages of information,” the registrar said.

The numbers involved in this exercise has the cash-strapped university groping in the dark.“We have no funds to purchase enough stationery for photocopying nearly 25,000 pages of documents. Apart from the cost, we have no staff to do clerical work of this magnitude,” Sivasankar said. He also lamented the fact that no authority had ever trained them on matters pertaining to the RTI Act.

But that is not all. Before providing this information, the university has to seek and obtain permission from all the 1,000 applicants for the information pertaining them to be disclosed to any applicant under the RTI act. “Who will do the dispatch job? The entire university has only 5 nonteaching personnel. And where will we get the funds for the work?” he asks.

According to Sivasankar, the university has no provision to spend money for disclosing information under the RTI act. As of now, an assistant professor from the faculty of law has been designated as the PIO with an honorarium of Rs 1000. After seeing the massive work needed in putting together nearly 25,000 pages of information from various sources, the PIO is reluctant to continue to hold the responsibility, said the registrar.

And to top it all, the university should complete the process within 30 days from the date of receipt of the application.”Imagine what will happen if others also apply for the same information,” he wondered.

Meanwhile, applicant Varadaiah claimed that the information was needed to verify the irregularities allegedly committed by the authorities in the recruitment. “The university cannot abdicate its responsibility in providing information on the pretext of paucity of funds, lack of personnel and bulky nature of the work,” he insists.

High Voltage Ambitions Power NTP

2008-12-18T23:05:00.000-08:00

By Javid Hassan

As a shrewd politician who stays tuned, Nava Telangana Party (NTP) president T. Devender Goud is spearheading the Telangana movement energetically by whipping up regional sentiments on the ground of perceived injustices meted out to them both in political and economic fields.

An additional factor that is fuelling his high-voltage ambitions is the political paralysis that has apparently crept into the Congress-I leadership at the Centre when it comes to defining its stand on the issue. With all other parties having thrown their hats into the ring, the Congress may have to repent at leisure for not acting soon as part of its damage control exercise.

How is Goud, the man of the masses, reacting to the situation? A shrewd calculator that he is, he timed his call for a separate Telangana state on the Deccan plateau a day after Andhra Pradesh celebrated its 52nd anniversary on November 1 this year.

The move was also intended to mount pressure on the Congress leadership, which has been keeping its Telangana card close to its chest. However, UPA chairperson and Congress president Sonia Gandhi is believed to have assured the NTP leaders that the Telangana issue was very much up front and that the introduction of a Bill in this regard might be considered by the government as soon as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh returned from his foreign tour.

This assurance, similar to the past Congress pledges for the last four decades, turned out to be another damp squib. The Congress High Command could justify its inaction this time by citing the extraordinary security situation, which deteriorated sharply after the November 26 Mumbai terrorist attacks. Yet, the fact remains that by allowing its political rivals to gain the vantage ground in the fight for a separate Telangana state, the Congress could be writing its own obituary in Telangana.

Mrs. Sonia Gandhi, who interacted with an eight-member NTP delegation led by Goud in New Delhi on October 27, reassured him that she understood the “seriousness of the issue and sentiments of the people”. The delegation, which met various party leaders to mobilise support for the issue, also sought to utilize the occasion for seeking introduction and adoption of the Bill on Telangana before the Assembly/Lok Sabha elections.

NTP general secretary and a member of the delegation E.Peddy Reddy reminded her that though the Congress had included Telangana in the common minimum programme (CMP) of the UPA government in 2004, it went back on its promise to fulfill it. When the delegation told her that this political dithering on the part of the Congress could prove costly, Mrs. Gandhi quipped: “I know it”, according to Reddy.

But Goud is taking no chances as he galvanizes his party into action. The NTP has already unfurled its party flag that features a saffron map of Telangana against a light blue background. He also set free an Indian Roller, a tropical bluish brown bird of striking beauty, which the party has adopted as the Telangana state bird.

Goud, who once served as a minister in the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) till July this year before he launched the NTP, said he had to call for a separate state as the government was indifferent to their decades-old demand. When eventually it gets statehood, it will comprise ten districts, including Hyderabad, although the future status of this city is still a subject of speculation. Except the Congress, all the major and minor parties have committed their firm support to the movement.

To give it a further push, Goud announced that Telangana state stickers would be pasted in all the villages in the region as well as on four and two wheelers. He also undertook a padayatra (long march) from Pranahitha to Chevella, which received an enthusiastic reception from the people. Sensing the popular mood, the TDP also came on board by backing the cause of a separate Telangana state in the by-elections held in May 2008.

According to party sources, Goud’s magnetic pull on the people stems from several directions. A prominent backward class leader from Telangana, he also worked as a cabinet minister for BCs’ welfare, besides holding Welfare and Prohibition portfolios in the N.T. Rama Rao(former chief minister of Andhra Pradesh) cabinet. He also held Revenue and Home portfolios with a cabinet rank during the tenure of Chandrababu Naidu (former chief minister of Andhra Pradesh).

Besides his personal magnetism, what sustains the movement in favour of a separate state is his argument that the Telangana people have suffered enough at the hands of Andhra rulers in the matter of jobs, political representation, government service as well as unfair diversion of water from Krishna and Godavari rivers to non-Telangana regions at the expense of Telanganites.

The Indian National Congress, he points out, also sidelined the separate statehood demand in spite of giving assurances for a seat-sharing arrangement with Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), which was launched mainly to fight for a Telangana state in the 2004 elections. Its political plank was indiscriminate sales of Telangana’s public lands to the people from Andhra, inadequate representation to the Telangana people in local jobs, including those at the administrative level. Devender Goud vowed to fight these injustices meted out to his people.

His critics, however, were quick to tar him with the same brush. They point out that “former Home Minister T Devender Goud is raising a lot of hue and cry over the loss of lands by poor farmers in the Outer Ring Road project. But everybody knows he is more worried about his own lands at Tukkuguda in Maheshwaram mandal, which are now worth hundreds of crores of rupees.”

That was the reason, according to his critics, “why Goud took Telugu Desam president N Chandrababu Naidu to Maheshwaram mandal to make it a big public issue. Though he spoke at length on the loss of properties by poor farmers, it was evident that he was referring to his lands. Realising that the media was telecasting his words, he immediately changed the tune saying it would not be proper for him to speak further as his lands were involved.” Against this murky political scene, the NTP is engaged in the game of musical chairs with a host of other players. Who will emerge as the victor at the end of the final round is a jigsaw puzzle.

The Lambadas of Telangana - Will Votes get Their Children Back?

2008-12-15T01:06:00.000-08:00

By M H Ahssan

I lost my wife, and the girl was born. I have the right to sell the girl, kill her. Who are you to question me?'' J Mangta makes violent, vulgar gestures. Tempers flare. Tribal spit flies around. Mangta continues to scream. His village folks try to drown his voice. More spit flies.

His mother comes to his rescue, and she joins the tribals in making more vulgar gestures. I crouch on the Lambadas' cot wondering what to do. Summoning all my courage, I scream at the top of my voice, ''Stop fighting, stop fighting.'' No one seems to pay any attention. The argument continues.

''No, sir. Mangta is scolding his younger brother,'' assures one of the Lambadas. ''You have nothing to worry.''

But I have my fears. I seem to be ages and ages away from civilisation, though I know I am in Janareddy Thanda, just a stone's throw away from the Nagarjuna Sagar dam, about 70 kilometres from Nalgonda in Andhra Pradesh.

''Why do I feel scared when a group of tribals fight?'' you may ask.

Mangta has been accused of selling his new-born girl child. Several of his folks in the district face similar charges. And rumours have it that, if no one comes forward to buy their baby girls, the Lambadas do not hesitate to kill them.

I clutch my bag containing all the cash I have for the trip to Andhra. Now the nauseating smell of cheap liquor reaches my nostrils. Grappling with fear, I manage to scream again. The verbal joust seems tireless.

Helplessly I survey the village. Several Congress flags are fluttering over the haphazard dwellings. ''Does election mean anything to these tribals? If they can sell their kids, will they hesitate to do the same with their votes?'' I wonder. (''We will vote for the Congress,'' says sarpanch Jatawat Pitla later, implying that former Union information and broadcasting minister S Jaipal Reddy who is contesting from the Miryalaguda Lok Sabha constituency, would get their vote.)

An elderly man comes to my rescue this time. ''Stop fighting. Talk to him (referring to me). He has come all the way from Bombay,'' he says in Telugu while rolling a wild plant's leaf into a bidi.

'' Saab, will you put us in jail again?'' asks Mangta. ''Please write a good report to the government, and see that we would get something.''

He looks so innocent that you curse yourself for being scared of him and his folks. ''Sir why should these people (referring to his relatives) interfere in my affairs?'' he says. His mother now wears an empty expression.

''So why did you sell the child?'' I ask Mangta. His younger brother starts screaming again. Mangta shouts back.

His brother looks at me, makes more violent gestures, and screams again. ''Sir he doesn't know Telugu. I will tell you what has happened,'' he says. The brothers argue for a while, and then Mangta turns to me. ''Sir write only good things,'' he urges me. ''If there is trouble we won't spare you,'' his brother warns me.

Why did you sell her? ''Saab we were struggling to make both ends meet, when this lady from Hyderabad approached us. She said she had no kids, and that she would bring up the girl very well. She even said she would send her to a good school. I shooed her away... But, after she had left, my father said, 'You won't be able to take care of the girl. Why don't you give the child to her? The girl will get good food, good clothes and good education. Moreover, the baby's brain might be damaged as your wife had tried for an abortion. Give her away, give her away,' he said.''

Safawat Kiree, a Lambada who had liaised with Hyderabad-based Margaret Sanyogitha, called the latter... Sanyogitha then took away the 40-day-old baby in a car. Mangta says he was paid Rs 2,000.

Did they cry when the girl was being taken away? ''No. Even her mother did not cry,'' says Mangta. ''In fact my father was very happy that she is going to have a good lifestyle.''

A month later, Kiree, who became Mangta's eldest brother Hamu's second wife after her husband passed away recently, ''fell out with Sanyogitha over commission, and tipped off the police.''

The cops arrested her in March last along with Sanyogitha, who was working with a Non-Governmental Organisation called Bud Blossom. Mangta and Hamu, who too had sold his daughter, were also arrested. And a major racket in smuggling of infants to foreign countries was busted by the police following a raid on a creche at the posh Mahendra Hill area of Hyderabad.

The case is pending in the Mirayalaguda sessions court. ''No chargesheet has been filed as the case is still under investigation,'' says sub-inspector Iqbal of the Haliya police station which is investigating the case.

''If we had known this, we would not have given the girl away,'' says Mangta.

Did they try to bring her back? ''Yes, but we did not find her,'' he answers.

Do they feel bad? ''What can I do saab? It was because of my father that all this happened... Even he died soon after the girl left us...''

Mangta now has one daughter (10 years) and two sons (eight and four).

''If we are well off, why will we sell them?'' asks Bunglee of the same village. ''They prefer our children as they have sharp features, and we cannot help selling them because of our poverty,'' he adds.

Mangta accompanies me wherever I go in the village. '' Saab, I hope you will write a good report. Will I get something?'' he keeps asking me.

''We are still scared. We are unable to sleep at night...''

Why?

''Because we are afraid of thieves.''

But you say you have nothing?

''They will kill us,'' he says.

Sarpanch Jatawat Pitla says he would have dissuaded Mangta from selling his baby if he had known what he was up to. He says his villagers are not so poor that they have to sell their babies.

Most of the villagers including Mangta have two or three acres. They grow cotton and millet in their fields, and work as labourers, earning Rs 30 to Rs 50 a day. Several houses in the village have fans and gadgets like radio.

However, G Shyam Sunder Reddy, who works as Eenadu reporter at Haliya, says, ''The tribals live below the poverty line, and family planning is alien to them. They celebrate the birth of a boy as he will soon support them. But a girl child brings only sorrow as they are in no position to pay dowry... Moreover she does not bring any income.''

Professor K Narasimha Reddy of the sociology department of Osmania University also feels that poverty drives them into a desperate situation.

Shyam Sunder Reddy says, ''There seems to be no solution to the decade-old problem. Ten years ago I broke a story on how just-born girl children were being killed in the area. Nobody took notice.''

Surely only poverty could not be blamed for such barbarity. ''Many of these tribals do not care for family ties,'' says Shyam Sunder Reddy. ''Maybe liquor and hard work has taken a heavy toll on them. Sometimes they seem indifferent even if their own people are dying...''

''I think they love their children,'' says Professor Narasimha Reddy. ''Maybe they are deeply indebted.''

But the bias against the girl child seems to be taking a heavy toll. ''Most of the tribals warn their pregnant wives against coming back from the maternity homes with daughters,'' says Shyam Sunder Reddy. ''So the women might be forced to get rid of the babies at the hospital itself.''

''If they cannot sell them, they will kill the children,'' says A Raju, joint director, Women Development and Children Welfare, Andhra Pradesh government. ''Several factors seem to have contributed to the sad state of affairs. First they are ruffians and have not been exposed to civilisation. Living below the poverty line, they find it hard to give up their tribal lifestyle and join the mainstream. To add to their woes, they do not plan their families and find it burdensome when children, especially girls, arrive.''

''The problem is much more acute in Telangana,'' says Raju. ''Nearly 90 per cent of the cases originate from Telangana. The Andhra region accounts for just 10 per cent of the cases.''

So are they still selling more girl children? ''I think they are willing to sell their children, but there are no takers now,'' says Shyam Sunder Reddy.

Perhaps the fact that none of the 228 children (only 10 of them are boys) has been taken back by the tribals even after the busting of the smuggling racket lends credence to this.

''Several police and government officials and NGOs have been visiting the villages to convince them to take back their children,'' says Raju. ''Refusing to do so, the tribals ask, 'Why don't you leave us alone? We have no means to rear them.' ''

''Of the rescued children, 13 died before we had stepped in on June 13 last,'' says V N Ajit Kumar, director, SOS Children's Village which is taking care of the children at its Hyderabad centre. ''Two kids had been sent for adoption before June 13 last... We had sent 30 children to our Vishakapatnam village where we have better infrastructure to take care of those grown-up kids.''

At the SOS centre in Hyderabad's Yousufguda, several kids, with radiant smiles, started crawling towards me the moment I opened the door of their room. A couple of them were crying. One or two were sleeping despite the cries, chatter, laughter... At the next room, several children were still being cradled with their name tags pinned on the cradles...

The children are now virtually in the lap of luxury with air-conditioners, good food, excellent medicare...

But of what use are all these facilities when the children cannot cuddle up to their mothers... when mummy and daddy are not around to applaud their small great achievements... when they are amidst an ocean of caring humanity but nothing is their own... when so many staff members care for them but they do not belong anywhere....

I wonder how these little ones would grapple with the thought of being discarded, when grown-ups break down even at the slightest thought of being let down. The children cannot even cry as they are not sure if someone would understand an orphan's -- sorry, discarded child's -- feelings. Will they ever see their parents who are just 150 kilometres away? Will they ever be adopted by any Indian household?

A good Indian leader may punch holes in the poverty cycle of their parents, but will anyone be able to heal the scars on these tender psyches?

Considering that several Lambadas are sceptical of a better future -- Lakshmi, Mangta's relative, says, ''We will vote for those whom you vote... But does it make any difference? Unless we work hard, it is difficult to eke out a living'' -- will these children with sharp features ever find a ray of hope in a wretched country which thinks of politics and votes even to reciprocate the irresistible smile of a baby?

Troubled Telengana

2008-12-11T00:48:00.000-08:00

By Rajinder Puri

The demand for Telengana state is perhaps the oldest protest movement in India. Political opportunism and lack of vision have prolonged the agony of the Telengana people .

A few months ago union cabinet minister Chandrashekhar Rao quit the UPA alliance on the issue of creating Telengana state. A few days ago Devender Goud, number two to Chandrababu Naidu in TDP, and Peddi Reddy split their party on the Telengana issue. Telengana is Andhraâ€™s perennial dispute. The demand for Telengana state is perhaps the oldest protest movement in India. Political opportunism and lack of vision have prolonged the agony of the Telengana people.

In 1947 Telengana was the princely Hyderabad state. The Nizam of Hyderabad wanted independence. Sardar Patel forcibly prevented that. Telugu speaking people were spread in 22 districts. Nine were in Hyderabad, twelve in the Madras Presidency. In 1953 all Telegu districts of Madras were separated to form a new Andhra state. It was the first Indian state formed on a purely linguistic basis. Later Andhra was merged with the Telugu speaking area of Hyderabad to become present day Andhra Pradesh.

However, common language is not the only criterion for identity. From its birth Andhra Pradesh was harassed by the demand of a separate Telengana state. The shared history of Telengana people united them culturally. Pandit Nehru appointed the States Reorganization Commission (SRC) to create linguistic states. It was against merging Telengana with Andhra. The 1955 SRC report said: â€œWe have come to the conclusion that it will be in the interests of Andhra as well as Telangana area to constitute a separate state, which may be known as the Hyderabad stateâ€¦â€

The central government ignored the SRC recommendation. It established unified Andhra Pradesh in 1956. The government reassured the Telangana people that their concerns would be met. Telengana people continued to complain. After 52 years the complaints persist, the assurances continue. How and why did this happen?

Telengana leaders were opportunists. From the days of Chenna Reddy, an army of leaders rose to power on the support of the Telengana movement. After assuming office each leader merged with Congress to betray Telengana. National leaders were shortsighted. Language cannot be the sole criterion for statehood. If it were, Goa would be part of Maharashtra. UP, Bihar, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Haryana would be one state.

Andhra politicians resist creating Telengana state because they oppose shrinking Andhra. Their fear is understandable. It could be removed if all large states were divided into smaller states. Such demands with varying intensity exist in almost all of them. Maharashtra can be divided in four, UP in 4 more after Uttarakhand. Regional parties do not want to reduce their turf. But why should they? Why cannot a Telegu party hold power in three states as well as it does in one?

Small states mean faster progress. Haryana and Himachal proved that. Cultural identity and administrative convenience should be the criteria for carving new states out of even one linguistic group. It should be done systematically. It can be done with minimum discord if new states are within the boundaries of the large state to be divided. Parliament should appoint a second commission to reorganize states. Creating new states ad hoc by responding to violent protest after hundreds are killed is a stupid way to introduce change.

BATHUKAMMA OF DIVINE TELANGANA

2008-12-11T00:39:00.000-08:00

By G Bharath Bhushan

Bathukamma. The very name brings me into a vibrant mood. This fascination for Bathukamma has cast a spell on me since my childhood.

The cascading effect is such that whenever Bathukamma festivities draw near, I go down memory lane, recalling, with a twinkle in my eyes, those cherished days as a toddler and growing up years, during which I had a lively time. The best phase of my life, I must say.

Even today those scenes, as if woven out of fantasy, remain vivid in memory. And, I know from first hand experience that this real-life happening is for keeps, for posterity.

In my childhood, a festive atmosphere prevailed in our ancestral house in Warangal, on the eve of Bathukamma. And it was not just in our house. Every home I visited in our neighborhood wore a decorative appearance, which in itself was all inviting and exciting a prospect.

There was a distinct grandeur, and to a lesser level still is, that one can only associate with a festival of this nature, where fun and frolic is the order of the day. This is the unique aspect about Bathukamma, which is at once synonymous and symbolic of the Telangana region in Andhra Pradesh.

Every household, womenfolk in particular, had to be a wholehearted part and parcel of the festivities. It is not just about colorful decorations in the front yard but the captivating display of flowers of every hue, each in full bloom that stands out.

Truly speaking the paraphernalia essential for Bathukamma were, and are, dependent on the availability of water. This, as we shall find out, has a direct bearing on how the festival is celebrated.

Decked up with local flowers, Bathukamma, the pyramid- shaped heap, is the art of decorating with an impeccable precision. The more colorful the get up, the more magnetic is the attraction. This is made amply clear when one gets to see the painstaking efforts taken by the family members right into the wee hours of D-Day.

To facilitate long-lasting freshness, flower sellers virtually knock on every door before dawn. It is their day, as flowers constitute the most important component of the festival.

Shouting in a shrill voice they grandly announce the flowers they have for sale like tangedu, gunugu, banthi, Bathukamma puvvulu (flowers).

Bathukamma is the exclusive propriety of women. My maternal aunt was no exception. She had to belong to it. Towards this, the pious lady would make all arrangements and well in time. She went about the flower purchase exercise, including tough bargaining, with meticulous care. Her favorite was without a shade of doubt the pre-dominant Bathukamma flowers.

Another facet that drew my attention was the amount of seriousness with which the whole process was taken. The reason was plain, simple and custom made.

There was an unwritten governing rule. Whichever house/front yard boasted of the most colorful, the largest and topped in height was the toast of the neighborhood. In addition to carving a niche for themselves with their creativity and getting a pride of place, that house was the envy of `the contenders’.

No, there were no prizes up for grabs. The seriousness was devoured because the joy that was derived and the sense of déjà vu following the outcome ran through the whole year.

All over Telangana, the festival was a nine-day celebration with the finale known as `Pedda (big)’ Bathukamma or more aptly pronounced in local dialect as `Chadulu’, being accomplished with pride, gaiety and fervor.

Interestingly, while the usage of flowers on the first eight days was considerably less, the Pedda Bathukamma was pompous and buying of flowers was of a high magnitude.

Each day of those days has a special significance. On the sixth day (arrem), for instance, a call is given to herald the end of the festivities. On that day, there is a break of sorts and a bar on playful activities.

Bathukamma is usually celebrated from Ashwayuja shuddha pandyami to Maharnavami.

In Warangal, where I spent my entire childhood in an area called as Beet bazaar, the populace had a sizeable presence of komatis (the traditional business community). This community went about the celebration with a noticeable tranquility. They patronized it totally, and completely.

Likewise, my grandmother brought about an element of total participation from all of us. In retrospective, it could be surmised as passing on the baton with a determined purposefulness. The show must go on, as one might point out.

The decoration of the pyramid-shaped heap has a traditional and established meaningfulness. There is a particular pattern that has to be abided with.

Serving as the base for Bathukamma is a miniature wooden stool (called as peeta). Immediately above is placed a tambalam (brass plate) or whichever the particular family can afford.

The flower pattern is unique. Tangedu (yellow flowers) are at the bottom. Atop that is Gunugu (white). Banthi (Marigold) acts as the cover for the Bathukamma. As for me, the tangedu had a striking and long lasting impression, drawn as I was by its enchanting and ethereal beauty. While these form the fundamentals, one can add flowers of any color they want.

Even as these are gone about silently, the playful atmosphere notwithstanding, the dawn of the eagerly awaited first day brings alive the proceedings. All geared up and ready well before sunrise, women and children breathe life with a spontaneity that only Bathukamma can bring about.

In our vicinity were two temples. One with Lord Shiva as the presiding deity and the other revered as the Aakarapolla Gudi. The womenfolk went around these two temples, even as the roads were dotted by equally decked up Bathukamma, being brought by others. The Bathukamma proudly adorned their heads. Carrying on the head is deemed as the actual participation.

Later, I came to know that legend behind the commencement of this festival has it that women invoke blessings for a long and healthy life of their husbands. Yes, there is purposefulness behind the festival.

My mother, by habit, used to visit the Lord Shiva temple on the first two days. I, of course, devotedly accompanied her. My elder and younger sisters carried the Bathukamma on their head. My sisters played and danced around with girls of their age group inside the precincts of the temple and my mother joined an elderly group.

It being a festival essentially for women, men would stand and wait patiently outside the temple.

But, being a toddler, I enjoyed the rare distinction of being allowed inside the temple. The secret was at the entrance I would cling to my mother’s sari. This was imperative because I feared the temple person posted to man the entrance to forbid the entry of men and street-smart operators.

And, let me tell you, I had a royal time witnessing the frenzied celebration that was undertaken with a gay abandon. Even as I went around the temple, I jumped high to dong the bells and applied the sacred tilak and prayed in front of all the deities housed inside.

What was even more mesmerizing was the aromatic smell that emanated inside the temple- a combination of smells coming from the myriad flowers, the incense sticks and from burning wicks at the temple. Of course, there was din, thanks to intermittent singing.

Once, the formalities were completed, we were homebound. On the way back, my mother would graciously buy balloons, sweets and all special eatables so that our day would be complete. And I enjoyed every second of it.

Me, and my sisters, like all other children, longed for the speedy arrival of Bathukamma every year. Not merely because of the good tidings that it brought but, more importantly, at least in my case, because it promised to bring plenty of goodies. Our ever-doting grandmother played Santa Claus, to near perfection, come Bathukamma.

She would send new clothes. We would get mouth-watering sweets and an enticing variety of dishes. The visual delight the nine-days provided came as a bonus. What more could one ask for? Hence, if it was looked forward to, the reasons were pretty obvious.

Well, these are my first experiences of Bathukamma. That was how I got a taste of it. And the spellbinding effect has not diminished one bit. It is understandable. The overwhelming spectacle has remained an enchanting phenomenon.

There were some uniquely conceptualized aspects about Bathukamma. As Pedda Bathukamma drew near, there was comparatively a lot more hectic activity, including in our house.

The culmination of the nine-day festival was equally electrifying. The Pedda Bathukamma was immersed in the waters, although what was considered auspicious was to immerse it in the Bhadrakali pond.

It is believed that this belief gained prominence, thanks to patronization by the great Kakatiya dynasty. With such impressive backing, and with the hysterical approach to the immersion, I can conclude that the Bathukamma celebrations were, inarguably, the finest in Warangal.

People would come from far off places to have a feel and be a part of the experience. The people, in hundreds and thousands were so drawn by this that not only were they actively involved in this lavish setting but also were so oblivious of the time that it would be well past sunset by the time they would return home.

I recall that tailors and goldsmiths abounded the neighborhood. This was because it was that time of the year when people would require their services at the eleventh hour. Tailors, carrying a tape and some cloth, would ‘search’ for customers. They would try to cash in on the prevailing sentiments. Some wanted to look immaculately dressed and a last-minute tailoring work on their favorite dresses remained. Therefore the services of tailors played a pivotal role.

Goldsmiths, with a balance and the patented pink-color paper wrappers, were quite popular, including with my aunt. I think women wanted to get their prized ornaments repaired on the spot to look glittering and bask in the glory.

Prior to the commencement of the immersion procession a lot of work had to be complied with. It was customary that from among varied flowers three local varities, Thangedu, gunugu and banthi had to be used.

However, my mother would certainly go for erra Tamara (lotus), which was almost like a status symbol.

She would add a dash of red, blue and green colors to the gunugu, which enhanced the appeal. I too took a part in this dyeing process because my creative instincts came to the fore.

After toiling for hours together my mother and sisters would take a break after the Pedda Bathukamma was ready. By then it would be afternoon.

Once the job was done, the Bathukamma would be placed in the devunnu arra (puja room). No sooner were drumbeats heard and voices were heard from across the street, then the Bathukamma would be brought outside the house and placed in the front yard.

The women would gleefully dance around the crème de la crème, Bathukamma, amid fun, frolic and laughter even as drumbeats rent the air. Song and joyfulness is of particular importance.

Thereafter, all roads led to the Bhadrakali pond, as they say.

Women draped in the finest of their saris, generally the pattu variety, would flaunt their creations and showcase the impressively decorated Bathukamma on their heads in perfect tango and harmony with the saris. After all this was to please Goddess Gowramma.

As per the Telugu calendar, this festival begins on amavasya of Ashwayuja masam. It is timed for October, soon after the rainy season, because that is when it is harvest time in Telangana region.

I remember, the fields were a sea of greenery and breathtaking flowers were in full bloom. It was too enticing. Perhaps, our forefathers saw logic behind celebrating the thanksgiving festival in October, after the rain gods have showered their blessings.

Incidentally, Bathukamma festival coincides with the Navaratri (Dasara) festival across the country. It is during these nine days, that people in Telangana celebrate Bathukamma, with equal fervor and enthusiasm.

These nine days are preceded by a nine-day celebration of Bodamma festival, which is basically meant for the children. There would be song, dance and laughter. Interestingly, the rice that is collected by the children during these nine days is used to make payasam, which is shared and relished by one and all. During the Bodamma festival songs praising Gowramma are rendered

By practice one has to prepare veduru or duseru woven creeper, with an overwhelming collection of flowers, including the vegetable variety on each of the nine days. These range from gummadi, Thangedu, pydi thangedu, gunugu, nuvvu, rudraksha, katla, goranta, kakara, beera and potla to ganneru.

If on the first day betel nut placed on tulsi leaves are exchanged between families, on the Pedda Bathukamma day pesara (grams), wheat, rice, coconut and nuvvulu (sesame) are exchanged at the immersion spot.

On the ninth day, it is customary to prepare garelu (Wada) for breakfast, Pulihora (tamarind rice) for lunch and jaggery-rich laddoos for consumption during dinner.

By 4pm each member of the household, elders and younger ones, are attired in their best dress and adorned with gold and jewellery. Thereafter they head towards the nearest lake or stream following which they visit the nearby temple.

After placing the Bathukamma in the open, the women go around it, hand in hand, to offer their prayers. Sari folded in typical style they dance around merrily while clapping their hands. Men can watch this from afar. The woman with the most melodious voice in the group is compelled to render songs on popular demand. The rest of the members constitute the chorus.

The songs are to invoke the blessings of various goddesses like Lakshmi, Parvathi as also Sita Anasuya, Chandramathi, Shashi Rekha, Satyabhama, Savitri, Kanyaka Parameshwari, who are eulogized wholeheartedly. By principle, the renditions end with any one of the following three tributes, Ooyala, Chandamama or Gouramma.

The bonhime continues till late in the evening. Soon thereafter, each of the women brings out the delicacies she has brought for the occasion. Although, it is the sattupindi that is brought in majority there is no bar on bringing any other food or sweet dish. After sharing with each other, they partake the dishes.

Like Goddess Kali idol is immersed in water on the concluding day of the Navaratri celebrations, similarly Bathukamma is at times immersed in a stream or well that serves the purposes of drinking water. The overwhelming belief is that once flowers from the Pedda Bathukamma are placed inside the waters, the water would be purified and remains so for all time to come.

However, the pasupu mudda (depicting Gowramma) is not thrown inside the water. Rather every married woman applies a paste of this, after dipping it in the by now holy water, on her mangalsutra (the sacred thread/nuptial knot that marks the solemnization of her marriage) so that her husband is protected from all evils and ill fate. They also smear their cheeks and neck with the paste.

In essence, praying for the long and healthy life of the husband is what the entire festival is all about.

Once the immersion starts the pond/stream/well are deluged with Bathukamma, some of them glittering with the lit wicks. In the night they glow and emit a brilliant radiance that is a sight to behold.

Bathukamma has a social relevance in that men and women from their respective villages or towns get a chance to interact with each other as they assemble in specific spots.

For women, this is a rare opportunity. During these nine days, they forget the ordeals, agonies and pain or whatever as they get a feel of the outside world. This is because they mingle with unknown people and become oblivious of their travails and tribulations, the day-to-day chores. In short, it is bliss time.

But then these are images from a seemingly distant past. The world was to change, alter these equations, once I stood on my legs and started eking out a livelihood.

After I took to the camera and became a full-fledged photographer, I had the opportunity to shoot the entire Bathukamma festivities at Bhadrakali, my chosen spot, on two occasions. However, in my initial years as a lensman, black and white was in the forefront and color photography was still in its formative stages, at least in India.

It was then that I realized that coverage of Bathukamma could be justified, and the finer and intrinsic aspects brought in regale glory, only in color. To fulfill this obsession, I shot Bathukamma celebrations, all over again, after I went in for color, which is now the benchmark.

On color I have frozen images of every aspect of the nine-day festivities-the decoration, prayer, song and laughter and immersion. I can proudly say that I was on cloud nine when I could capture these lifetime moments in color. Of course, the black and white photographs still adorn my shelf.

But, over the years, I have noticed startling changes, some of which have moved me beyond despair. True gaiety and the colorful decorations still characterize the festival. But what pains me, particularly having followed and enjoyed it, is the total lack of dancing around the Bathukamma. There are no more hand-in-hand dances, not much of clapping and complete absence of drumbeats.

If in the days gone by loud music was the attraction, now there seems to be an eerie silence, metamorphically speaking.

Call it urbanization or commercialization, now one can see women flashing the best of saris and jewellery during the festival. Even the otherwise generous patrons also have subject themselves to a mere cosmetic presence, more like participating in a fashion parade rather than completing the ritual in its true sense of the term. The sheen, the exuberant charm of Bathukamma is sadly missing. And nothing can be more unfortunate than that.

In fact, more than anything, I feel the younger, and future, generations are being denied something that provides more entertainment than probably any film, drama or TV serial.

Forget the upper class, even those from the lower strata have formed their own groups and merely go about the exercise. People with unmelodious voices and those who cannot shake a leg or two experiment their talents (?) on these occasions. If rhythm goes for a six, none is bothered. Nor are they overly concerned.

Alarmed at this sorry plight, and driven by an inherent quest for reviving the glorious Bathukamma of yore, I set about on an adventure, one that encompassed the length and breadth of Telangana. I thought I could make use of my creativity and my ability to bring about a comparison between the present and the past.

The mission was simple-try to locate, tap and hone all those singers, naturally endowed artistes who could bring back the crowds or help in reliving what was the hallmark of a bygone era.

Rejuvenated, and fully driven by this obsession, I went, to begin with, to the historical Warangal Fort a decade ago. A semblance of what I know of Bathukamma still remains.

I visited a remote place. I was delighted that women were enacting the very sort of song and dance that symbolizes Bathukamma. And in my click-happy frenzy, I shot all available postures that typified the festival. (Of course, there were no water sources or reservoirs and immersion, obviously, was a thing of the past).

Delighted at this windfall, I went hunting for more such photographs. I traversed the lanes and by-lanes of Telangana districts. In a decade since, I have had the opportunity to get hold of some rare photographs.

But there is a stark reality that has not missed my eye. As against the gripping scenes that remain etched in memory, I noticed a rather lackadaisical approach.

Subsequently, I heard that Siddipet comes a close second to Warangal in terms of the magnitude of hysteria and celebration. And Siddipet literally beckoned me.

I headed towards Bandaram, because my friend Siddhareddy, who is a native of that village, assured me that Bathukamma, according to what I know, is still enacted there.

Being a fairly big village, I loved the place. It was a photographer’s delight. There was scope for several interesting photographs, and on diverse subjects.

The moment I stepped into Siddhareddy’s house, I noticed frenzied activity, a throwback on my childhood days. His sister, her children and other members of the family were engrossed in preparing Bathukamma in the traditional way. Wasting not even a second, I caught the image and felt happy that I could get one so soon.

Adding depth to the photograph was my friend’s father, who was seated on a chair just yonder, watching with keenness the entire proceedings.

Spending some more time there, I decided to venture out. Many women were busy with the Pedda Bathukamma preparations.

However, in the course of my search, I noticed something that baffled me. Pedda Bathukamma apart, every house had paper Bathukamma also. My curiosity goaded me to confront one or two elderly women as to why they were opting for a paper Bathukamma, in addition to the flower-decked ones.

The reply was emotional and heart rending. “How can we afford to celebrate in the traditional style? As you are aware there have been no rains. Drought is a nightmare we have to cope up and live with. Ponds, streams and even wells have dried up. So where is the question of procuring as many flowers as we want, although we know they are the vital part of the festival.

“ We have been advised that in order to raise the height, we go in for dome-shaped pyramids with the alternatives. Hence, the paper version.’’

That made me pause for a second. I detested the adverse effects of modernization or globalization, whatever one would like to call industrialization. Not only people in the metros but even those inhabiting the interiors are paying a heavy price because of the absence of eco-balance. And there appears to be no respite for these unfortunate people.

Indeed, decades later there is a sea change. This is more so as urbanization has stepped in. Felling of trees, pollution that has become a fatal attraction and perennial shortage of water have aggravated the problems.

Moreover, we now stay in Hyderabad, which is also in Telangana but is devoid of the rustic charm. The changing styles are an offshoot of the economic developments, high standards of education and in most instances we now have an increasing number of workingwomen.

But heart in heart, I solemnly swear, my adoration for Bathukamma remains to this day. In fact, if it does not sound an exaggeration, it only keeps getting stronger and firmer with each passing year. And so is my resolution to revive it in all its glory.

Today, I take delight in telling my son and daughter about the mesmerizing `Bathukamma’ experiences. And they relish my story telling abilities as much.

Well, the aura remains. Nothing can take away the sheen of Bathukamma and for that matter the traditional way of celebration.

The rest is up to the Rain Gods and those championing the cause of nature, the environmentalists, to come to the rescue of the people.

Projects in Telangana Face 'Maha' Threat

2008-12-10T22:13:00.000-08:00

By Kraanti Veer

With Maharashtra Impounding Godavari Water, Telangana May Dry Up

Notwithstanding the Congress government’s broadside against the illegal construction of Babli project by Maharashtra, the future of lift irrigation (LI) projects being constructed on the banks of the river Godavari in Nizamabad and neighbouring districts is in a quandary.

With Maharashtra utilising every drop of water by constructing small and medium projects across the Godavari, 19 LI projects in north Telangana would be hit hard. Of the 19 projects Alisagar and Guthpa have been completed, while Pranahita-Chevella, Choutpalli Hanumantha Reddy and Jalalpur projects are under progress.

Irrigation experts said there was no point in bragging about spending crores of rupees on LI projects to irrigate cultivable land in Telangana districts when serious questions are being raised about availability of Godavari water what with Maharashtra impounding all the waters.

Irrigation department sources told HNN that Pranahita-Chevella — the biggest of them all — would be worst-hit as water for the project was proposed to be lifted from Sri Ram Sagar Project (SRSP). The future of SRSP itself looks bleak once Maharashtra completes Babli and 11 other projects.

Superintendent engineer (LI projects) L Rajeshwar Reddy said SRSP — the lifeline of six Telangana districts — would be facing severe hardships once all the Maharashtra projects were constructed. As part of the YSR government’s much-touted Jalayagnam, Alisagar and Guthpa were constructed at a cost of Rs 250 crore and Rs 183 crore respectively to supply water to 92,585 acres in the tail-end areas of Nizamsagar project. “But with Maharashtra going all-out, these LI projects would go without water,” a senior official reasoned.

The Pranahita-Chevella project, for which the CM would lay the foundation stone at Kamareddy on December 14, is to draw 25 tmcft of water from SRSP to supply water to 3.04 lakh acres in Kamareddy and surrounding droughtprone areas. “How would the government promise to construct the project when the SRSP would go dry since Babli project would impound all the river water?” an irrigation expert asked.

Rajeshwar said Maharashtra is all set to draw at least 40 tmcft of water through the 12 projects. “The storage capacity of SRSP would automatically come down to 50 tmcft from 90 tmcft and in future, it would not be able to supply water to Telangana districts through its Laxmi, Saraswathi and Kakatiya canals,” he stressed.

The AP government has also planned a flood-flow canal as part of the second phase works of SRSP at a cost of Rs 3,500 crore to provide water to 2.2 lakh acres in Karimnagar, Warangal, Nalgonda and Khammam districts. “It looks like a distant dream since the Godavari water would be diverted to the Maharashtra projects,” the expert reasoned.

Telangana Goes for a Toss ahead of Polls

2008-12-09T22:14:00.000-08:00

By M H Ahssan

Elated over the 3-2 victory for the party in the just concluded Assembly polls, the Congress on Tuesday decided to dump Telangana and go to the people with the development plank of the Y S Rajasekhara Reddy government in the 2009 elections.

“The Congress High Command has decided that it will take up the Telangana issue only after the elections next year,” AICC sources told HNN.

This decision of the party high command was conveyed to chief minister Y S Rajasekhara Reddy by AICC general secretary in-charge of the state M Veerappa Moily when the two met in the national capital on Tuesday. Congress president Sonia Gandhi has also directed Rajasekhara Reddy to make the developmental programmes of the state government as the party’s election plank, the sources added, clearly implying that the Congress would go it alone in the polls.

“No more Telangana trouble. The election results of five states has proved beyond doubt that the people prefer a performing government. Except the performance of the state government, nothing matters in the 2009 elections. Therefore, it has been decided to take up the T issue only after the general elections next year,” AICC sources told HNN.

The chief minister is scheduled to meet Congress president Sonia Gandhi in New Delhi on Wednesday at which ‘madam’ is expected to wholeheartedly back Rajasekhara Reddy. The chief minister has all along been maintaining that the separate state is not really an issue on the ground and that the developmental programmes undertaken by his government in the region would be enough for the party to sail through in the hustings. “With the thorny issue kept aside for the time being, we can completely focus on returning to power by publicising the developmental programmes,” a CM’s aide said.

Meanwhile, the election results has come as a dampener for both the Telangana Congress leaders and the Telangana Rashtra Samithi. “In the backdrop of the Congress win in Delhi, Rajasthan and Mizoram, we cannot press for a decision on Telangana. The results have strengthened the hands of the chief minister,” a Congress leader from Telangana region admitted. Another Congress leader said that they had dropped the idea of meeting Sonia Gandhi on the need to announce creation of Telangana before the general elections.

According to sources, the TRS too is suddenly caught in a dilemma. “Since we cannot go it alone, we will be forced to agree to the TDP and Left terms and join the alliance and hope to counter the Congress in the region,” one TRS leader said.

LOSING HOPES: Is Congress losing hopes of a favourable decision from the party high command on formation of separate Telangana State before the next elections? The tenor of PCC president D Srinivas comments on the issue suggests so.

"It is not an issue to be discussed at the PCC level. In fact it has been discussed at several levels. What is there do discuss now?" the PCC chief said with a tinge of despondency in his voice at a news conference. The reaction came when the reporters asked him if the issue figured in the DCC presidents’ and PCC office bearers’ conference held earlier in the day.

"The party high command has to take a decision on the issue," he said, finally. Asked about senior member and MLA V. Purushotham Reddy’s remarks that lack of unity among senior Congress members had resulted in `dilution’ of Telangana issue, the PCC chief shot back saying that it was for him (Purushotham Reddy) to bring about unity since he is a senior leader.

Dismissing as hollow claim the contention of the Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) that it would win all the 294 seats in the State, Srinivas said Chiranjeevi’s party had no `history or leadership capability’ that would prove decisive in the elections. Srinivas said that he had given instructions to the party cadre to organise `human chain’ programme on December 28, Congress party Foundation Day. The programme would reflect party’s achievements and commitments with main thrust on development and welfare activities.

Participants would take pledge to rededicate themselves for the success of Congress party.

Another programme titled `Sankshema utsavaalu’ would be taken up to ensure that local Congress leaders and workers visit households of beneficiaries covered under various State and Central Government schemes. Public meetings would be organized in each and every mandal, he said.

On the other hand, BJP accused the Congress, TRS and TDP of sabotaging the Telangana issue by dive r t i n g public attention to the Babli controversy.

Addressing mediapersons, BJP Telangana Udyama Committee chairman Ch Vidyasagar Rao alleged that these parties diverted public attention from Telangana by projecting Babli as the burning issue. "Both are important, but Telangana is paramount. People must realise that this is the right time for the Telangana issue to be taken up on a massive scale. It is a sinister design by all these parties to push the issue on to the backburner," he said.

Rao said the credibility of TRS was at its lowest, as it had been continuously trying to stay afloat by raking up one issue or the other, but not Telangana. "It has not made a sincere effort to convince the Congress to sign a resolution in support of a separate state. TRS is full of pseudo Telangana activists. They should have forced the Congress to introduce a bill in Parliament by now on the separate statehood demand. So, we have no reason to ally with TRS," he said.

Rao said the resounding success of the BJP in Madhya Pradesh and Chhattissgarh were indicators of NDA's bright chances to come back to power at the Centre. "Though we cannot form government in Rajasthan, neither can the Congress given an unclear mandate," he said.

Ruling out the concept of a third front, Rao said the Congress and BJP were the only key players left in the national political arena. "It is time for all regional and the Left parties to introspect, else they will be wiped out. They should start looking at political parties with an open mind and stop claiming that they have nothing to do with parties like BJP, the BJP leader said."

Neglected 'Telangana Idols'

2008-12-02T00:27:00.000-08:00

By Unknown Telanganite

Did Telangana produce any leader? Do Telangana people really know who participated in Telangana armed struggle and fought for Telangana liberation?

Telangana people are exploited by non-Telangana rulers. Our rulers completely ruined our education system. We studied about “Potti Sreeramulu’s liberality” and “Kodi Ramamurthi’s power and potency” in our schools. But, many of us do not know who is Khomaram Bheem. To us Vattikota Alawar swamy, Shoyabulla khan, and Konda Venkata reddy are strange names. What happened to our education system? Why stories of famous Telangana figures were never taught in the schools as part of our state history?

We are not reluctant to learn about Andhra leaders, but we also want to know about our great Telangana fighters.

Now, nearly every street and building in Hyderabad is named after Andhra or Rayalaseema leader. It appears that after few years of time our Telangana idols would be completely concealed from us.

Here are few examples to show how our non-Telangana leaders are erasing our history from Hyderabad and from Telangana.

Statues of Andhra/Rayalaseema leaders in Hyderabad

Potti Sriramulu
Tanguturi Prakasham
Dahmodaram Sanjeevayya
Kaasu Brahmananda Reddy
Jalagam VengalRao
Nandamuri Taraka Rama Rao
Puchalapalli Sundarayya
Ragupathi Venkata Ratnam
Tripuraneni Ramaswamy Chowdary

Among them, only Puchalapalli Sundarayya (born in Alaganipadu, Nellore district) was involved in Telangana armed struggle. And rest of the others neither fought for Telangana nor aware of Telangana struggle.

And here is a list of statues of leaders from Telangana

Marri Chenna Reddy
Burugula Ramakrishna Rao
Elimeneti Madhava Reddy

This is the list of streets/stadiums/parks/places named after non-Telangana people

Potti Sriramulu Nagar
Sanjeva Reddy Nagar
Vengala Rao Nagar
NTR Maarg
Brahmananda Reddy National park
Potti Sriramulu University
Vengala Rao Park
N.G Ranga Agriculture University
Potti Sriramulu Telugu University
NTR Stadium
Vijaya Bhaskar Stadium
Balayogi Stadium

Can anybody show at least one Telangana leader’s statue either in Andhra or in Rayalaseema?

Is this because we do not have famous figures?

What happened to our Telangana idols? How many of our politician know about Vattikota Alawar swamy, Shoyabulla khan, Konda Venkata reddy, Raavi Narayana, Buddam Ellareddy, Kamaladevi, Kommaraju Laxman Rao, Jamalpuram Keshava rao, Kumuram Bheem. Kaloji, Dasharathi, Ramji Gond and Thurrebaaj khan?

These are very few examples to show how we are/were duped.

Telangana - Effect on Real Estate Business

2008-12-02T00:23:00.000-08:00

By M Mayur

Hyderabad real estate pounced like a tiger in the past 2 years apartment prices shot up by 300% in certain areas, People who bought early and developers made merry!, but then as the old saying goes you should make hay while the sun shines. 300% in 2 years? Does that ring alarm bells… well land prices in Hyderabad actually shot up by around 1000% in the out skirts to a high around 9 months back.

Owing to heavy pressure on liquidity and lack of direction to the market, the Hyderabad real estate market softened a little 9 months back but apartment prices remain steady. But the situation today is much different compared to what was couple of months back owing to the lack of political direction towards separation of the state and the regular meetings and rallies in support of telangana raised an alarm in the minds of real estate investors.

Net effect land prices in the outskirts of Hyderabad started softening. Prices of undeveloped land near the srisailam highway which had touched peaks of 1Crore per acre are have dropped to 50 Lakhs an acre. But will separating the state and forming smaller states lead to drop in the real estate prices? Telangana integrally comprises of Hyderabad and Ranga Reddy Districts which are the economically developed areas, rest tier two cities include Mahboob nagar, Warangal, Khammam. But revenues for telangana would only be from Hyderabad.

Now to analyse, lets think Hyderabad which recently has been converted in Greater Hyderabad adding many areas from R.R.District is proposed to be given to telangana, would a business established in Hyderabad by non Telangana people leave their assets and companies and shift to their native area? And why should one shift?? Is it a different country that is being formed? There is a popular that forming telangana will reduce the development in Hyderabad but I would differ from this and say that smaller states are better for development and already the development in progress in Hyderabad cannot be stopped real estate majors have started development of huge projects in Hyderabad, and still they are on an acquisition spree only in Hyderabad, a smaller state is easier for them to convince the government into giving them more sops!!

In all probabilities my view is Telanagana would be announced before this elections and Hyderabad would be retained as an union territory making it the combined capital of the split states. If you are investor keep your money ready as prices would drop further and you can strike real good deals!!

Muslim leaders support Telangana statehood

2008-12-01T01:43:00.000-08:00

By M H Ahssan

Muslim intellectuals disagree that a separate state of Telangana will pose problems to the community. They say MIM's opposition is politically motivated.

Are Muslims fearful for their safety in a separate state of Telangana which comprises a major portion of the former Hyderabad state? If the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) is to be believed, the life and security of the 48 lakh Muslims in the region would be at stake in a smaller state since BJP/ Hindutva forces would get stronger and pose problems to the Muslims.

However, Muslim intellectuals, activists and historians rubbish this claim saying that the MIM represents a small section of the Muslim population, and that its opposition is politically motivated. They allege that the MIM is being propped up as part of a game plan by Chief Minister Y S Rajasekhara Reddy against bifurcation of the state and to sabotage the Telangana cause. Besides, he has encouraged his cohorts in Congress to demand a separate Hyderabad city-state, a separate Rayalaseema state, merging Anantapur district with Karnataka and so on.

The Jamat-e-Islami Hind, a moderate group of Muslims, said it was wrong to say Muslims would be insecure in Telangana state. Those trying to project it as a Hindu-Muslim issue were not sincere in addressing either the problems of Muslims which were many, nor the issue of Telangana which was basically about regional imbalance and injustice. The Telangana Muslim Front, comprising 16 Muslim social organisations at a meeting last week dismissed the Majlis’ claim as propaganda and warned that ‘communalising’ the Telangana issue was a ‘big’ mistake. The meeting recalled the role of 600-years of harmonious co-existence of Hindus and Muslims under the Qutub Shahi and Asaf Jahi rulers and said the communal divide was a recent phenomenon that was deepened by politicians with a vested interest in the votes of the Muslims.

Questioning the legitimacy of Majlis in speaking for the entire Muslims of Telangana, Zaheeruddin Ali Khan, editor of the venerated Siasat, one of the largest circulated and the oldest Urdu daily newspaper from Hyderabad, pointed out that MIM’s hold was limited to four Assembly constituencies in the Old City of Hyderabad. He said, while 90 per cent of the Muslims favoured a separate state, they had some concerns which should be dealt with by the pro-Telangana parties. These included poverty and unemployment which had increased by leap
s and bounds after the Hyderabad state was integrated with the Indian Union in 1948. This was due to discrimination and neglect of Muslims by the state and ruling parties.

Parties like the MIM further exploited the community for votes instead of working for its growth and development. “The (Congress) government is using the MIM to put down Telangana…the MIM sold itself in 1969 (the first major movement for a separate Telangana) to the (then) Brahmananda Reddy government. It is trying to do it again,” said Zaheer. He urged secular Hindus and Muslims of Telangana to dispel the propaganda that the aspirations of Muslims of the region were any different from those of Hindus.

Speakers at the one-day seminar held by the Telangana Muslim Forum cited historical evidence to press home their argument.

The Qutub Shahi rulers generously funded the Bhadrachalam temple of Lord Rama and the Tirumala temple of Lord Venkateshwara. Muslims like Turrebaz Khan in 15th century and Shoebullah Khan in 19th century laid down their lives for their beliefs. Peerla Pandugu is celebrated with such gusto by Hindus that it is difficult to believe that it is an Islamic event. The Communist armed struggle in Telangana was a huge draw for the young, idealistic Muslim youth who jumped into it only to be eliminated along with the others by the Army of an independent India which crushed the movement.

Sajjad Shahed, an engineer and a heritage activist, traced the roots of the current issue to two factors: one, the Razakar police action phase when a reluctant Nizam of Hyderabad was forced to join the Indian Union with the help of the Indian Army; and the silencing of secular Muslim leadership subsequently as it was pushed on the defensive by anti-Muslim riots let loose post-integration to avenge the killing of Hindus by Razakars. Besides, many of them migrated to foreign counties leaving a void that was filled by the communal MIM. “Isolated incidents in history can wipe out the good both prior and subsequent to those incidents,” said Shahed.

Well-known thinker and writer Kancha Ilaiah believes that MIM should realise that Congress gameplan in sabotaging Telangana statehood would harm Muslims in the long run. If Congress does not agree to bifurcation, and should NDA come to power at the Centre, BJP is bound to create the state to strengthen itself in the new state. In that event, MIM will be held responsible for thwarting Telangana.

The consensus among Muslim leaders is that this is the time for the visionaries to assert themselves instead of allowing false emotions and arguments to carry the day.

Free Press Release

2008-11-27T02:19:00.001-08:00

Free Press Release

www.global-free-classified-ads.com

2008-11-27T00:36:00.000-08:00

Free classified ads - High traffic web site that allows visitors to place classified ads to buy and sell clothing, footwear, consumer electronics, pets, real estate, jewelry, watches, and more. The site is actively visited by hundreds of daily buyers, which helps ensure items sell quickly.

Telangana Movement Gains Momentum

2008-11-26T21:50:00.000-08:00

By M H Ahssan & Javed Hassan

With support for the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh reaching a feverish pitch across the broad political spectrum, it is no longer a question of if but when the Telangana region would be carved out into a separate entity as the 29th state of the Indian Union. Forces led by the BJP, the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS) and others have pulled the rug from under the Congress, which won the elections in 2004 by promising a separate state for the people of Telangana. Now that the opposition parties led by the BJP have jumped on the ‘separate Telangana’ bandwagon, the TDP has made a u-turn after opposing the movement all along, leaving the Congress party in the lurch.

Adding a new twist to the political dimensions of the Telangana movement, NRIs from Hyderabad working in Saudi Arabia) told HNN in an exclusive statement that the changing scenario in the state has placed Muslims on the horns of a dilemma. The worrisome factor, said Syed Zia-ur-Rahman, an NRI executive in Riyadh, is the future status of Hyderabad—whether it will be hived off from Andhra Pradesh as a union territory or made a joint capital of the two states.

Amid these twists and turns, the Nava Telangana Party (NTP), the brainchild of former TDP leader Devender Goud, has sought to hog the limelight through his ‘Telangana Yatra’, which he undertook last month to mobilize support for his party. He has also launched his own website in the Barrack Obama style, with news bulletins in English and Telugu. Video clips show Goud canvassing for his party among the scheduled castes, farmers and the Telangana Employees’ Association which, according to the NTP web news, has joined hands with the party.

Throughout his yatra which wended its way through the Telangana region, Goud harangued his audience, heaped abuses on the TDP and the Congress, while his party workers went about pasting “Telangana State” stickers on buses, buildings and other public places. There were pictures of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar to reinforce NTP’s message as the party of the downtrodden.

Not to be outmaneuvered , even the left parties and those representing the OBCs (Other Backward Classes) have veered round to the ‘separate Telangana’ movement which, they hope, would augur well for the future of that region. The theme of their political rhetoric is the same: they all want an end to the exploitation by the state leadership on the economic, educational and employment fronts.

The shift in the political landscape of the state has upped the ante against the Congress, which finds itself in a bind. If it goes along with Majlis Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (MIM), which wants the Congress to oppose the ‘separate Telangana’ campaign, it risks losing vote during next year’s elections. On the other hand, if it chooses to go with the flow, it could alienate the Muslims. Although the TDP has counseled its ally to back the Telangana movement, the Congress leadership continues to dither for the time being. However, according to all available indications, it is a matter of time before the Congress High Command could cave in, setting the stage for the next big move.

There is a rationale behind all this political drama that is being played out, .both at the Centre and in the state capital. Andhra Pradesh goes to the polls towards the middle of next year, at a time when the Rajasekhara Reddy government is hamstrung by an anti-incumbency factor. Briefing the Congress president Sonia Gandhi on the situation facing his party, the chief minister is said to have stressed that an assembly resolution endorsing the proposal for the creation of Telangana could help neutralise this anti-incumbency sentiment.

With the TDP’s about-turn on the Telangana issue, the Congress is wilting under enormous pressure to scuttle the move. On top of this, Chandrababu Naidu is seeking electoral alliance with K Chandrasekhara Rao of TRS in the Telangana region. The ruling party thus finds itself vulnerable to the ebb and flow of the political tide sweeping across the state.

TDP’s change in its political stance came about when Chandrasekhara Rao left the TDP in 2001 and spearheaded the movement for Telangana under the banner of his own political party, Telangana Rashtra Samiti. Secondly, both the leaders were facing serious threat to their political survival. While the TDP was plagued by defections to the new party of popular film star Chiranjeevi, Chandrasekhara Rao found himself on slippery ground in the wake of a serious threat posed by Goud’s NTP.

Explaining its aims and objectives, Goud said his party will strive for the formation of Telangana state, for which action will be taken both at the political and street levels through agitations. "The party will take up the problems and issues of all sections of society, including the Dalits, tribal and Muslims", he pointed out. Goud, who had resigned from TDP on June 23 this year, said he was forced to launch his new outfit as the Congress and TDP were stonewalling over support to Telangana and its people.

These developments forced the hands of TDP President N Chandrababu Naidu in reaching out to CPM, CPI and TRS leaders for their support to his party's decision to back the demand for a separate Telangana state. Naidu's move is politically significant as the CPM, the CPI and the TRS are in the process of forging an alliance against the Congress and the BJP in the Assembly elections likely to be held in February 2009. "I spoke to the CPI and the CPM leaders as also with the Telangana Rashtra Samiti leader K Chandrasekhar Rao. I briefed them about our five-member core committee's recommendations on Telangana and that we are favouring separate Telangana," Naidu said, unveiling his campaign strategy.

Against this background comes the statement of MIM president and other Hyderabad State Muslim leaders who feel that by agreeing to the creation of the new state of Telangana, the Congress would be playing into the hands of the BJP, which has been advocating the Telangana cause ardently.

As things stand, MIM has very little space for political maneuvering given the fact that the TRS, a one-time ally of the Congress, ordered four of its MPs to resign in an act of brinkmanship to keep the heat on the UPA. The move coincided with similar resignations tendered by 16 TRS MLAs and its three MLCs from the Andhra Legislative Assembly and Council respectively. TRS wants the Telangana region to be carved out into a separate state—a pledge to which the Congress had committed itself in the 2004state assembly elections.

It took this line of action when the Congress failed to heed its ultimatum given earlier setting March 6 this year as the deadline for the bifurcation of the state.TRS president K Chandrasekhara Rao said the party will also launch a door- to- door campaign to explain the mass the betrayal by the Congress.

However, MIM, Jamaat-e-Islami and other Muslim organizations have distanced themselves from the Telangana movement due to their apprehension that Muslims may not get a fair deal under the new dispensation. They are also upset over being side-tracked during the ongoing political wheeling and dealing concerning the Telangana issue.

To quote MIM president Asaduddin Owaisi who spelled out his party’s stand on this issue, “It is not that we are opposed to Telangana per se. If a new state is formed, the tally of seats of our party in elections will go up. But we have to first ensure the safety and welfare of Muslims and other things such as the future of Urdu language. Whether these will be safe in Telangana is the issue.’’

As an indication of the shape of things to come, Owaisi cited the recent Vatoli incident when a family of six Muslims was hacked to death in a Telangana village. While MIM’s concern in this regard is understandable, the same factor had influenced their voting behaviour during the Legislative Assembly elections held in Karnataka in May this year. Although the BJP swept the polls and formed a government by engineering defections from the Congress, the status of Muslim representation in the BJP government remained unchanged—a Muslim minister in charge of Awqaf and minority affairs plus some political patronage here and there.

As a sop for the next year’s elections, they have been given some concessions in terms of education and employment opportunities. Furthermore, infrastructural facilities, such as laying new pipelines for water supply or replacing the leaky ones in some Muslim-dominated areas, were put in place with an eye on the upcoming elections. So the bottom line has remained the same. Whether it is the Congress or the BJP at the helm of affairs, some ad hoc cosmetic measures could always be expected as part of their strategy to tap into the Muslim vote bank.

Under these circumstances, continued Muslim opposition to the formation of a separate Telangana state would not be in the interest of Muslims, as it could provide ammunition to the BJP to further isolate the community. As the situation stands, almost all the political parties are now in favour of the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, with the Congress expected to come on board anytime during the run-up to the elections. Surely, Muslims would not like to be seen as the lone dissenters under these circumstances.

As MP Asaduddin Owaisi put it, the BJP would emerge stronger if a separate Telangana State was created. “The so-called secular parties cannot match the BJP after creation of Telangana State. The future of Dalits, weaker sections and minorities would be bleak in separate Telangana,” he pointed out.

Yet, the fact remains that the conflict has assumed a caste dimension. Other backward classes (OBCs) are seeking to use the Telangana card to consolidate their political base across the state. This game of one-upmanship is part of their ploy to outmanoeuvre the politically powerful Reddys and Kammas who dominate the political apparatus of the state in spite of their small numbers.

Although TRS leader K Chandrasekhar Rao is a higher caste Velama, the banner of Telangana across party lines has been hoisted both by OBCs and Scheduled Caste leaders. Even the Nizamabad Congress MP Madhu Yaski Goud, an OBC, blasted the AP government for its soft-pedaling over the formation of Telangana.

Sarvey Satyanarayana, Congress MP from Siddipet and an SC leader, also spoke in a similar vein, while. other OBC Congress MPs like Anjan Kumar Yadav from Secunderabad are orchestrating their move to jump on to the Telangana bandwagon. Andhra Congress chief Keshava Rao also seems ready to toe the same line.

Another point that should be noted is that .BJP has mobilized Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi in its campaign for the creation of Telangana state. "The party is organising a massive rally of Narendra Modi in Telangana in December. Modi has already proved his mettle by winning the Nano small car project for his state amid fierce competition from Andhra Pradesh and other states after the Tatas decided to pull out of West Bengal last month in the wake of stiff opposition from Mamta Bannerjee’s Trinamool Congress.

Already, BJP’s Prime Ministerial candidate L K Advani sounded upbeat recently when he told a massive rally during an electioneering campaign in Hyderabad that the people were now looking forward to the BJP for the creation of the Telangana state. To this end, Modi has been roped in for his pro-development image. Advani also pledged on the same occasion that the saffron party, if voted to power, would expedite the formation of Telangana state within 100 days.

In this context, actor-turned-politician Chiranjeevi took the plunge with the launch of his Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) that, he said, would support the formation of a separate Telangana State that existed from 1948 to 1956, when it was trifurcated by the States’ Reorganisation Commission along linguistic lines. "It is for the Central government to take a decision on creation of Telangana State. If it comes up with such a proposal, our party will not be an obstacle at any cost," he observed.

"I know the people of this region are overwhelmingly in favour of a separate state. I respect your feelings. If you are convinced that creation of a separate state will ensure rapid development, I am with you," Chiranjeevi said, emphasizing social justice as the main plank of his political platform.

Chirnjeevi observed: “It will be a party for backward classes, farmers, workers, women and youth. The party will work for development, modernisation and industrial revolution. Its goal will be 'santosh' and 'ananda' (contentment and happiness)," he said, adding: "I know your problems, pains and sufferings and will always stand by you. Let us strive for achieving it."

However, a cross-section of NRIs contacted by HNN in Riyadh, the Saudi capital, has dismissed these pledges as nothing more than a camouflage for masking their own high-voltage ambitions. Dr. Abid Moiz, a veteran NRI working as a nutritionist in the Saudi Ministry of Health in Riyadh, said: “In my opinion, no party is championing the cause of Telangana. Every party wants to gain political mileage by raising the Telangana issue.” Citing the case of Devender Goud who left the TDP to launch his own political outfit (TRS), he asked: “Why did they remain silent when they were in power? Why are they raising the Telangana issue now? Obviously, it is for personal benefit, the most important of which is becoming the CM.”

He also did not think that the separatist movement would serve the interests of the people, both economically and politically. “No. We live in a global village. We will not benefit from separating ourselves from others. Maybe, a separate Telangana will better serve government employees and, of course, politicians.”

On the question of MIM’s opposition to a separate Telangana since the 1960s, Dr. Moiz told HNN: “ They are of the opinion that the BJP's influence is widespread in the Telangana region, where the language widely spoken is Urdu. It is my personal opinion that when the states are carved out on linguistic basis, then this area should be made Hyderabad state with Urdu as its language. In the past Telangana was part of Hyderabad, whose official language was Urdu. Hyderabad was then split into three parts on the basis of language and these areas were merged with Kannada-, Marathi- and Telugu- speaking areas of Karnataka, Maharashtra and Andhra, which subsequently became Andhra Pradesh. Then, what about Urdu?”

Urdu columnist-cum-photographer K.N.Wasif, who works for a Riyadh-based Saudi Arabic magazine, too, attributed the political fireworks to personal rivalries and high ambitions. He said Chandrashekhar Rao, founder of Telangana Rashtriya Samithi (TRS), left the TDP to form his own party following some differences with Chandrababu Naidu , the TDP supremo. Meanwhile, there are two new kids on political bloc— Praja Rajyam led by Chiranjeevi, mega star of the Telugu film industry with a big fan following, and Devender Goud who launched NTP after resigning from TDP.

“He also claims that he will fight against the injustice meted out to the people from Telangana. He was a minister in the TDP government and is considered to be the right hand man of Chandrababu Naidu. Anyhow, he is a small -time leader and doesn't have a large following like Chiranjeevi, who poses a serious challenge for TDP. The Congress has yet to spell out its stand on the separate Telangana movement.”

Making a swipe at the parties, Wasif said the Telangana movement has always been led “by politically unemployed persons who are not sincere in their support for the cause. If at all a separate Telangana state is formed, it will be beneficial for some politicians but it will not be in the greater interest of the people of Telangana, which was always a backward area. After it becomes a separate state, it will become more backward.”

He said MIM had always been against a separate Telangana state since 1969 when the late Dr. Chenna Reddy spearheaded the movement on a mass scale. “Why MIM is against the movement is a big debate which I cannot discuss here.”

According to Syed Zia-ur-Rahman, Executive Director of Al-Ma’awiya Group of Polyclinics, separate Telangana was a burning issue in the last election for almost all
the political parties. However, it was TRS which spearheaded the campaign.to upstage others who were also fighting for this cause.

Asked if the movement will safeguard the interests of the people , both economically and politically, Zia said: “I don't think so, because during the period of NTR many people from Andhra moved to the Telangana area. They are now holding top positions in the
government and business and controlling the economy of the state. Telangana is a very backward area with a poor educational background. They also don't have any resources, especially the Telangana Muslims, who are going to face a lot of challenges.”

Zia, who hails from Jangaon in Warangal district, said popular reaction there to the movement has been mixed, with mostly the Hindu electorate being in favour. However, some Muslims have also fallen in line without being aware of its future implications.

On the question of BJP’s support, he attributed it to the Hindu vote bank. “If they establish a separate Telangana, for sure they can form the government, as they do not have a substantial presence in the Andhra region.”

Zia observed that the separatist movement has always been opposed by MIM, “ because it is not in the interests of Muslims. Once they create a Telangana state, they will separate Hyderabad from Telangana like Delhi from UP. Alternatively, they could make Hyderabad the joint capital for Andhra and Telangana.”

The campaign for a separate Telangana state recalls a similar struggle during the 1990's when the late Chandulal Chadrakar set up a political forum, the Chhattisgarh Rajya Nirman Manch, to spearhead the drive for the formation of Chhattisgarh from 16 districts of Madhya Pradesh. The campaign, which was propped up by major political parties, including the Congress and the BJP, gained momentum as it coincided with other separatist movements for Uttarkhand and Jharkhand during 1998-99.

During that year, the BJP-led Union Government drafted a bill for the constitution of a separate state of Chhattisgarh. The draft bill was sent to the Madhya Pradesh assembly, which unanimously approved it in 1998, with some modifications. Thus, Chhattisgarh came into being as the 26th state of the Indian Union on November 1, 2000 by the force of circumstances that also triggered the birth of Uttarkhand carved out of Himachal Pradesh as the 27th state on November 9 and Jharkhand out of southern Bihar as the 28th state on November 15 during the same year. The BJP, which has installed its own candidates in Uttarkhand and Chhattisgarh as chief ministers, sees in Telangana a similar opportunity to don the mantle of leadership. No wonder, it has mobilized its political heavy weights to improve its fortunes in the polls.

The Telangana movement shares with these three states a common factor—under-development resulting from the exploitation of its economic and natural resources. As P.L.Vishweshwer Rao, Professor and Head, Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, notes in his article: “No movement, no struggle has ever started from the top: from intellectuals, thinkers, political and other leaders, elected representatives and so on. Inevitably, the struggles begin from people - the people give expression to their suffering because it is they who are victims of status quo. The long-dormant hope in the people of Telangana was awakened with the announcement as statehood for Uttarakhand by the then Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda. Within a year it has gathered so much strength that politicians, realizing its potential have jumped on to its bandwagon”.

He elaborates that the Telangana region has the lowest literacy rate and minimal educational infrastructure in the state. As many as eight districts of Telangana out of 10 (including Hyderabad) figure among the most backward educationally. “Mahbubnagar has the lowest literacy rate, both among males (40.8 per cent) and females(18 percent). The entire Telangana, except Hyderabad city and Ranga Reddy Urban areas which are in Hyderabad, has lagged behind educationally. Not a single mandal of Telangana has the national literacy rate of 52.19 percent.”

It is against this background that that a move is under way to prevent the exploitation of Telangana-based college managements by their counterparts from coastal districts. Hundreds of colleges belonging to Telangana managements have reportedly crashed in the competition. For this reason, TRS president K. Chandrasekhar Rao has warned that colleges run by non-Telangana managements would be banned in separate Telangana.

In fact, the birth of Maoism in Telangana, is said to be partly an offshoot of exploitation by people from the Andhra region, some of whom obtained fake degree certificates to corner jobs in Hyderabad. They also used these tricks to remain entrenched in government positions which, in turn, armed them with decision making powers.

On the economic front, they exploited its rich mineral resources as well as the Krishna and Godavari rivers that are the major sources of irrigation for the entire state. Andhra farmers reportedly went even further by cultivating water-intensive crops depleting its water resources. They also preferred cash to food crops to boost their own income while jacking up food prices as a result of these misplaced priorities.

For these reasons, Telangana has been ranked among the most under-developed regions in the country with all its nine districts, excluding Hyderabad, designated “backward” by the Centre. These districts now receive special assistance from the Central government’s Backward Regions Grant Fund. Under these circumstances, the people of Telangana and its parties see statehood as the only viable route to development. Whether their bread will be evenly buttered for everyone remains a matter of speculation at this stage.

One of the strong points of Telangana , however, is its IT industry which gained prominence during the tenure of the former TDP Chief Minister Chandra Babu Naidu. Thanks to its highly skilled manpower base, Hyderabad carved out a niche for itself as India’s second Silicon Valley after Bangalore with its IT and IT- enabled services, pharmaceuticals and entertainment industries. It should leverage its strength in these sectors to create more job opportunities for the people and stimulate economic development to a new pitch.

It is a tribute to Telangana that IT bellwether Infosys of Bangalore has embarked on the construction of its second campus, spread over 447 acres, at Pocharam, near Hyderabad, with a total investment of Rs 1,250 crores. The ground -breaking ceremony of the Infosys SEZ campus was held at Pocharam village in the neighbouring Ranga Reddy district.

Chairman of the Board and Chief Mentor of Infosys Technologies Ltd. N R Narayana Murthy has said that their decision to locate the project in that village was taken in view of the high infrastructure facilities in Hyderabad to make it a premier IT destination.

The Infosys campus at Pocharam is expected to accommodate over 25,000 employees and will be completed over a period of 10 years under a three-phase plan. Work is in progress on the first phase, scheduled to be completed in a three-year period, with a seating capacity of 10,000 employees. The initial investment will amount to Rs 600 crore. Telangana can be justifiably proud of its track record in the IT sector as it looks forward to its future as a separate state.

Telangana Issue - The Real Facts

2008-11-25T23:44:00.000-08:00

Leaving aside the politics and the strategies of the politicians let take a look at the real facts about Telangana issue and its status. Do we really need a separate Telangana State?

The Real Facts

Formation of Andhra Pradesh

In 1947 Nizam of Hyderabad State (Telangana) did not want to merge with India

In 1948 Hyderabad State was forced to become part of India

In 1953 Andhra State was formed based on Telugu speaking area (Sacrifice of Potti Sriramulu who fasted until death)

Jawaharlal Nehru appointed States Reorganization Commission (SRC) to divide (reorganize) Indian states based on people speaking the same language. And there was a proposal to merge Hyderabad State and Andhra State. But the SRC was against this as they thought that Hyderabad State was underdeveloped and it better be a seperate state for its own good.

In 1956 Hyderabad State (Telangana) was merged with Andhra State to form Andhra Pradesh

But the Government ignored SRC and there was an agreement called "Gentleman's agreement" which assured sufficient development for Telangana.

After 13 years starts a movement to seperate Andhra Pradesh again

In 1969 Jai Telangana Movement started People in Telangana region were not happy with the 1956 agreement as the Government did not implement what was promised. Students in Osmania University started this movement and this caused violence and deaths of hundreds of people in Telangana region. The sacrifices of these people were wasted as the cruel politics of Congress lured many separatists to their party and the movement was all dampened.

Today

After 1969 there was not many complains from the people of the region but when even a new party wants to come to power they bring up the topic of Seperate Telangana State to win elections starting

In 1990's BJP promised a separate state if they come to power but could not as TDP was opposing it

In 2004 Congress promised a separate state if they come to power and merged with parties in Telangana regions to win elections.

Now It looks like the new party PRP by Chiranjeevi is also planning the same to come to power.

Some Controversial Facts:

Pro Telangan:

People from Telangana region pay more taxes (More Alcohol consumption) than Andhra but the claim is that these are being used for the development of Andhra regions. It if were a separate state it can use all the money from the region for its own development.

No Telangana:

Isn't it a fact that every part of the state needs resources for its own development. As most parts of Andhra have good lands they generate more money and this can be shared if not equally. There are no big movements after 1969 unless the political parties bring it up

Aside from the Facts there are the questions that need to answered

Yes, Telangana was not being developed in 1969. Does that fact still apply after 40 years in 2009?

Isn't Hyderabad the 5th largest city in the country and is in Telangana region?

Where will the Telangana get money for its development (Still from Alcohol Taxes) or Will it be only from Hyderabad?

Do the people in Telangana regions really feel the pain or Is it just a political game to come to power?

Is it just the small parties in Telangana region that want recognition by getting a new state?

Was the decision made by the government in 1956 based on Telugu speaking people instead of development a right one?

Is it just that people who want identity bring this up so that they could get one?

Will Telugu Thalli be split into half?

Why is this issue so low during NTR's period?

Does Telangana have Identity crises? Don't even talk about it. Its about the development of the region.

I wish the politicians or the political parties take right decisions based on the real fact that could develop the Telangana region and give an advantage to the people living there instead of playing games to get power. Be it a separate Telangana State or a unified Andhra Pradesh. If Mani Ratnam is from Telugu he would have made a great movie by now (Just a thought as this is Telugu Cinema Website) Remember it all stated with The Nizam Of Hyderabad in 1947 and after 60 years it still continues...

Note: This article may have little discrepancies from the real facts unintentionally. Corrections are always welcome. This article tried to be neutral as an issue always has two stories.

What do you think? Do you know more about this issue? Do you think some of the facts are missing? Please write your opinion in comments section below.

Are You Ready To Eat Telangana Biryani?

2008-11-25T23:42:00.001-08:00

What is common between Hyderabadi Biryani and Telangana? The answer is both simple and complicated. First let's talk about the simple answer. Biryani is cooked by more than one person; it takes a lot of time to cook; it tastes best when served hot and it turns stale in just one day. Similarly, the formation of Telangana too would require more than one political party; it's formation too will take a lot of time; it would taste best if formed immediately and it will take merely one political season to rot its demand.

Now talk about the complicated comparison. With less than six months left for the Assembly and General Elections, almost all political parties in Andhra Pradesh are vying to carve out Telangana pie. But just like the Biryani, all political parties seem to be blissfully unaware of the perfect recipe.

Rice, meat, ghee, oil and garam masala are the common ingredients of Biryani. Similarly, Telangana too would require Congress, TDP, BJP, NTP, TRS, Praja Rajyam and other political parties. For Biryani, one needs to get a defined quantity of each ingredient which should be properly mixed and heated for a defined period. Similarly, Telangana would need a proper consensus among all political parties. Any increase or decrease in any ingredient will spoil Biryani's taste. Similarly, strong opposition or support for Telangana will spoil the taste of Andhra politics.

Just for a little more gyan, let's talk a bit more about Biryani's history. No body knows for sure when the Biryani was cooked first, but it was confined to royal kitchens till independence. Later, it became a permanent item in the menu of all marriage celebrations and also entered the market through hundreds of Irani hotels in Hyderabad. Initially, Irani hotels served only mutton biryani but soon they also introduced chicken biryani. It was followed by Kalyani Biryani, Lal Biryani, Shahi Biryani, Mughlai Biryani, Zafrani Biryani, Kaju-ki-Biryani and a lot of other varieties.

Each variety has a different taste. Even the Mutton Biryani served in two different hotels will taste different. Further, Mutton Biryani prepared by the same chef, will have a different taste when he does it second time. Therefore, it is now an established fact that there is no defined recipe for Biryani and each chef will cook it in his own way. But very few people notice these differences and everyone enjoys whatever is served to them in the name of Biryani.

The demand for creation of Telangana too has a long history. In 1969, the Telangana Praja Samithi launched a mass agitation for Telangana. It also won almost all assembly and Lok Sabha seats in the region in the next elections. But the movement was given an unceremonious burial when the TPS was merged into Congress. For almost three decades, no politician dared to revive the demand for Telangana since such demands were viewed with great suspicion.

After 1994 assembly elections, BJP revived the issue and went to the extent of giving the slogan of "one vote, two states" during 1998 elections. Two years later, K.Chandrasekhar Rao floated Telangana Rashtra Samithi. The demand got political recognition during 2004 elections and TRS was able to win 26 assembly and 5 Lok Sabha seats, of course, with a tie-up with the Congress party. Nearly five years later, now almost all political parties are supporting separate Telangana.

Let's again go back to the comparison. Biryani has no clear definition except for the fact that it is the most favourite food of all Hyderabadis. Likewise, in the present political circumstances, Telangana too has no clear definition, but now it has become the most favourite poll slogan that all parties are trying to adopt. A chef thinks that Biryani with attractive looks and perfect aroma was more important than the recipe. Similarly, for politicians, a bunch of 10 districts and the slogan "Jai Telangana" are important and not the strategy which would ensure its creation.

I think creation of Telangana is not as easy as it is being projected by the political parties. In 2004 elections, both TRS and Congress maintained that if people want Telangana, then they just need to vote for them. People did so. A few days later, TRS chief Chandrasekhar Rao started setting deadlines and after losing full five years, now he believes that Telangana will be a reality after next elections. But being a sub-regional party, it will be impossible for the TRS to get the statehood even if it wins all 109 assembly and 16 Lok Sabha seats of the region.

Officially Congress maintained a strategic silence although some Congress leaders made periodic statements demanding statehood for Telangana in the last five years. There is no clarity as to whether the Congress-led UPA Government will constitute the second States Reorganisation Commission or will it introduce a Telangana resolution in the State Assembly. But political pundits are just speculating that Congress will do either of these to boldly face the next elections. BJP claims that it can form Telangana if voted to power in both the State and the Centre. But BJP knows fully well it cannot form the government in Andhra Pradesh at least after next elections. Recently TDP supremo Chandrababu Naidu joined the Telangana bandwagon and now the Praja Rajyam chief Chiranjeevi also joined in the chorus.

No political party including the Telangana Rashtra Samithi is clear about the roadmap for Telangana. No body is clear as to how a separate state would be carved out of the country's fifth largest state. They don't have any answers for both short-term and long-term questions. Will it be a state consisting of 10-districts? What will happen to Khammam district which partly falls in Telangana & partly Andhra? If the state is bifurcated, then what will happen to the four districts of Rayalaseema? Will Anantapur, Kurnool, Cuddapah and Chittoor be merged with coastal Andhra? Or will the state will be trifurcated by giving statehood to Rayalaseema? How water resources will be shared between the newly created states? Which newly created state will get compensation or more compensation from the Centre -- Andhra or Telangana?

There are hundreds of hotels in Hyderabad that sell Biryani. Despite a major difference in rate, taste and quality, the hotels do not compete with each other. Several hundred tons of Biryani is sold in Hyderabad every day, because the hoteliers know that the only USP to sell this dish is its name. Just supercede anything with "Biryani" and people will buy it and also enjoy it without major complaints.

Similarly, it appears that politicians have started believing that the only USP to win the next elections would be Telangana. Just say "Jai Telangana" or at least don't object to others saying "Jai Telangana" and you will emerge a winner. Going by the present political trend, it can be predicted that Telangana will be the major issue during the next elections. Only the poll outcome will tell whether voters find the party with correct Telangana recipe or one that again ends up making a mish mash out of Telangana in the next elections.

Telangana Movement Enters in a Decisive Phase

2008-11-25T23:41:00.000-08:00

With support for the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh gaining momentum across the broad political spectrum, it is no longer a question of if but when the Telangana region would be carved out into a separate entity as the 29th state of the Indian Union.

Forces led by the BJP, the Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), Nava Telangana Party (NTP) and others have pulled the rug from under the Congress, which won the elections in 2004 by promising a separate state for the people of Telangana. Now that the opposition parties led by the BJP have jumped on the ‘separate Telangana’ bandwagon, the TDP made a u-turn after opposing the movement all along, leaving the Congress-led UPA in the lurch.

Even the left parties and those representing the OBCs (Other Backward Classes) have veered round to the ‘separate Telangana’ movement which, they hope, would augur well for the future of people in that region, which was exploited by the state leadership on the economic, educational and employment fronts.

The shift in the political landscape of the state has upped the ante against the Congress, which finds itself in a bind. If it goes along with Majlis Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen (MIM), which wants the Congress to oppose the ‘separate Telangana’ campaign, it risks losing vote during next year’s elections. On the other hand, if it chooses to go with the flow, it could alienate the Muslims. Although the TDP has counseled its ally to back the Telangana movement, the Congress leadership continues to dither for the time being. However, according to all available indications, it is a matter of time before the Congress High Command would give its green light to the movement.

There is a rationale behind all this political drama that is being played out, .both at the Centre and in the state capital. Andhra Pradesh goes to the polls towards the middle of next year, at a time when the Rajasekhara Reddy government is hamstrung by an anti-incumbency factor. Briefing the Congress president Sonia Gandhi on the situation facing his party, the chief minister is said to have stressed that an assembly resolution endorsing the proposal for the creation of Telangana could help neutralise this anti-incumbency sentiment.

With the TDP’s about-turn on the Telangana issue, the Congress is wilting under enormous pressure to oppose the move. On top of this, Chandrababu Naidu is seeking electoral alliance with K Chandrasekhara Rao of TRS in the Telangana region. The ruling party thus finds itself vulnerable to the ebb and flow of the political tide sweeping across the state.

TDP’s change in its political stance came about when Chandrasekhara Rao left the TDP in 2001 and spearheaded the movement for Telangana under the banner of his own political party, Telangana Rashtra Samiti. Secondly, both the leaders were facing serious threat to their political survival. While the TDP was plagued by defections to the new party of popular film star Chiranjeevi, Chandrasekhara Rao’s position became vulnerable in the wake of a serious threat posed by "Nava Telangana Praja Party” launched by T Devender Goud, the former senior leader of TDP.

Explaining its aims and objectives, Goud said his party will strive for the formation of Telangana state, for which action will be taken both at the political and street levels through agitations. "The party will take up the problems and issues of all sections of society, including the Dalits, tribal and Muslims", he pointed out. Goud, who had resigned from TDP on June 23 this year, said he was forced to launch his new outfit as the Congress and TDP were stonewalling over support to Telangana and its people.

These developments forced the hands of TDP President N Chandrababu Naidu in reaching out to CPM, CPI and TRS leaders for their support to his party's decision to back the demand for a separate Telangana state. Naidu's move is politically significant as the CPM, the CPI and the TRS are in the process of forging an alliance against the Congress and the BJP in the Assembly elections likely to be held in February 2009. "I spoke to the CPI and the CPM leaders as also with the Telangana Rashtra Samiti leader K Chandrasekhar Rao. I briefed them about our five-member core committee's recommendations on Telangana and that we are favouring separate Telangana," Naidu said, mapping out his campaign strategy.

Against this background comes the statement of MIM president and other Hyderabad State Muslim leaders who feel that by agreeing to the creation of the new state of Telangana, the Congress would be playing into the hands of the BJP, which has been advocating the Telangana cause ardently.

As things stand, MIM has very little space for political maneuvering given the fact that the TRS, a one-time ally of the Congress, ordered four of its MPs to resign in an act of brinkmanship to keep the heat on the UPA. The move coincided with similar resignations tendered by 16TRS MLAs and its three MLCs from the Andhra Legislative Assembly and Council respectively. TRS wants the Telangana region to be carved out into a separate state—a pledge to which the Congress had committed itself in the 2004 state assembly elections.

It took this line of action when the Congress failed to heed its ultimatum given earlier setting March 6 this year as the deadline for the bifurcation of the state.TRS president K Chandrasekhara Rao said the party will also launch a door- to- door campaign to explain the mass the betrayal by the Congress.

However, MIM, Jamaat-e-Islami and other Muslim organizations have distanced themselves from the Telangana movement due to their apprehension that Muslims may not get a fair deal under the new dispensation. They are also upset over being side-tracked during the ongoing political wheeling and dealing concerning the Telangana issue.

To quote MIM president Asaduddin Owaisi who spelled out his party’s stand on this issue, “It is not that we are opposed to Telangana per se. If a new state is formed, the tally of seats of our party in elections will go up. But we have to first ensure the safety and welfare of Muslims and other things such as the future of Urdu language. Whether these will be safe in Telangana is the issue.’’

As an indicator of the shape of things to come, Owaisi cited the recent Vatoli incident when a family of six Muslims was hacked to death in a Telangana village. "That is why the BJP is so keen on a new state of Telangana," some Muslim leaders argue.

The same concern had exercised their minds when Muslims voted in strength against the BJP during the Legislative Assembly elections held in Karnataka in May this year. Although the BJP swept the polls and formed a government by engineering defections from the Congress, the status of Muslim representation in the BJP government remained unchanged—a Muslim minister in charge of Awqaf and minority affairs plus some political patronage here and there.

As a sop for the next year’s elections, they have been given some concessions in terms of education and employment opportunities. Furthermore, infrastructural facilities, such as laying new pipelines for water supply or replacing the leaky ones in some Muslim-dominated areas, were put in place with an eye on the upcoming elections. So the bottom line has remained the same. Whether it is the Congress or the BJP at the helm of affairs, some ad hoc cosmetic measures could always be expected as part of their strategy to tap into the Muslim vote bank.

Under these circumstances, continued Muslim opposition to the formation of a separate Telangana state would not be in the interest of Muslims, as it could provide ammunition to the BJP to further isolate the community. As the situation stands, almost all the political parties are now in favour of the bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh, with the Congress expected to come on board anytime during the run-up to the elections. Surely, Muslims would not like to be seen as the lone dissenters, even though they have taken a principled stand.

As MP Asaduddin Owaisi put it, the BJP would emerge stronger if a separate Telangana State was created. “The so-called secular parties cannot match the BJP after creation of Telangana State. The future of Dalits, weaker sections and minorities would be bleak in separate Telangana,” he pointed out.

Yet, the fact remains that the conflict has assumed a caste dimension, with other backward classes (OBCs) seeking to use the Telangana card to consolidate their political base across the state. This game of one-upmanship is part of their ploy to out-manoeuvre the politically powerful Reddys and Kammas who dominate the political apparatus of the state in spite of their small numbers.

Although TRS leader K Chandrasekhar Rao is a higher caste Velama, the banner of Telangana across party lines has been hoisted both by OBCs and Scheduled Caste leaders. Even the Nizamabad Congress MP Madhu Yaski Goud, an OBC, berated the AP government for its soft-pedaling over the formation of Telangana.

Sarvey Satyanarayana, Congress MP from Siddipet and an SC leader, also spoke in a similar vein, while. other OBC Congress MPs like Anjan Kumar Yadav from Secunderabad are orchestrating their move to jump on to the Telangana bandwagon. Even Andhra Congress chief Keshava Rao seems ready to toe the same line.

Another point that should be noted is that .BJP has mobilized Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi in its campaign for the creation of Telangana state. "The party is organising a massive rally of Narendra Modi in Telangana in December. The dates are yet to be finalised," said party leader Venkaiah Naidu in a chat with newsmen recently. Modi has already proved his mettle by winning the Nano small car project for his state amid fierce competition from Andhra Pradesh and other states after the Tatas decided to pull out of West Bengal last month in the wake of stiff opposition from Mamta Bannerjee’s Trinamool Congress.

Already, BJP’s Prime Ministerial candidate L K Advani sounded upbeat recently when he told a massive rally during an electioneering campaign in Hyderabad that the people were now looking forward to the BJP for the creation of the Telangana state. To this end, Modi has been roped in for his pro-development image. Advani also pledged on the same occasion that the saffron party, if voted to power, would expedite the process of Telangana formation within 100 days.

In this context, actor-turned-politician Chiranjeevi took the plunge with the launch of his Praja Rajyam Party (PRP) that, he said, would support the formation of separate Telangana State. "It is for the Central government to take a decision on creation of Telangana State. If it comes up with such a proposal, our party will not be an obstacle at any cost," he observed.

"I know the people of this region are overwhelmingly in favour of a separate state. I respect your feelings. If you are convinced that creation of a separate state will ensure rapid development, I am with you," Chiranjeevi said, emphasizing social justice as the main plank of his political platform.

Chirnjeevi observed: “It will be a party for backward classes, farmers, workers, women and youth. The party will work for development, modernisation and industrial revolution. Its goal will be 'santosh' and 'ananda' (contentment and happiness)," he said, adding: "I know your problems, pains and sufferings and will always stand by you. Let us strive for achieving it." Muslim parties should factor in these political equations while formulating their stand.

They also need to come up with a reformist agenda that recognizes the importance of English as the medium of instruction in schools run by them. Even Malayalis, who are so passionate about their mother tongue, are admitting their children to English-medium schools in order to give them a competitive edge in the employment market.

By focusing on Urdu, Muslim parties will no doubt firm up their political base in the community. But they will also be playing into the hands of parties with a vested interest to keep them educationally backward. No wonder, the late Prime Minister P.V.Narasimha Rao had promptly accepted Muslim demand for the formation of an Urdu university in Hyderabad during his term of office.

He saw in it a double-edged weapon that could kill two birds with one shot: win the Muslim vote for the Congress and also keep them on the bottom rungs of the ladder of national development. It was a strategic move that harks us back to the time of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, whose far-sightedness inspired the launch of Mohammedan Anglo-Oriental College in 1875 which was later upgraded into the full-fledged Aligarh Muslim University in 1920. So while there can be no argument over the need to promote Urdu, study of English should also be prioritized in the schools’ curricula.

The campaign for a separate Telangana state recalls a similar struggle during the 1990's when the late Chandulal Chadrakar set up a political forum, the Chhattisgarh Rajya Nirman Manch, to spearhead the drive for the formation of Chhattisgarh from 16 districts of Madhya Pradesh. The campaign, which was propped up by major political parties, including the Congress and the BJP, gained momentum as it coincided with other separatist movements for Uttarkhand and Jharkhand during 1998-99.

During that year, the BJP-led Union Government drafted a bill for the constitution of a separate state of Chhattisgarh. The draft bill was sent to the Madhya Pradesh assembly, which unanimously approved it in 1998, with some modifications. Thus, Chhattisgarh came into being as the 26th state of the Indian Union on November 1, 2000 by the force of circumstances that also triggered the birth of Uttarkhand carved out of Himachal Pradesh as the 27th state on November 9 and Jharkhand out of southern Bihar as the 28th state on November 15 during the same year. The BJP, which has installed its own candidates in Uttarkhand and Chhattisgarh as chief ministers, sees in Telangana a similar opportunity to don the mantle of leadership. No wonder, it has mobilized its political heavy weights to boost its fortunes in the polls.

The Telangana movement shares with these three states a common factor—under-development resulting from the exploitation of its economic and natural resources. As P.L.Vishweshwer Rao, Professor and Head, Department of Communication & Journalism, Osmania University, notes in his article: “No movement, no struggle has ever started from the top: from intellectuals, thinkers, political and other leaders, elected representatives and so on. Inevitably, the struggles begin from people - the people give expression to their suffering because it is they who are victims of status quo. The long-dormant hope in the people of Telangana was awakened with the announcement as statehood for Uttarakhand by the then Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda. Within a year it has gathered so much strength that politicians, realizing its potential have jumped on to its bandwagon”.

He elaborates that the Telangana region has the lowest literacy rate and minimal educational infrastructure in the state. As many as eight districts of Telangana out of 10 (including Hyderabad) figure among the most backward educationally. “Mahbubnagar has the lowest literacy rate, both among males (40.8 per cent) and females(18 percent). The entire Telangana, except Hyderabad city and Ranga Reddy Urban areas which are in Hyderabad, has lagged behind educationally. Not a single mandal of Telangana has the national literacy rate of 52.19 percent.”

It is against this background that that a move is under way to prevent the exploitation of Telangana-based college managements by their counterparts from coastal districts. Hundreds of colleges belonging to Telangana managements have reportedly crashed in the competition. For this reason, TRS president K. Chandrasekhar Rao has warned that colleges run by non-Telangana managements would be banned in separate Telangana.

In fact, the birth of Maoism in Telangana, is said to be partly an offshoot of exploitation by people from the Andhra region, some of whom obtained fake degree certificates to corner jobs in Hyderabad. They also used these tricks to remain entrenched in government positions which, in turn, armed them with decision making powers.

On the economic front, they exploited its rich mineral resources as well as the Krishna and Godavari rivers that are the major sources of irrigation for the entire state. Andhra farmers reportedly went even further by cultivating water-intensive crops depleting its water resources. They also preferred cash to food crops to boost their own income while jacking up food prices as a result of these misplaced priorities.

For these reasons, Telangana has been ranked among the most under-developed regions in the country with all its nine districts, excluding Hyderabad, designated “backward” by the Centre. These districts now receive special assistance from the Central government’s Backward Regions Grant Fund. Under these circumstances, the people of Telangana and its parties see statehood as the only viable route to development.

One of the strong points of Telangana is its IT industry which gained prominence during the tenure of the former TDP Chief Minister Chandra Babu Naidu. Thanks to its highly skilled manpower base, Hyderabad carved out a niche for itself as India’s second Silicon Valley after Bangalore with its IT and IT- enabled services, pharmaceuticals and entertainment industries. It should leverage its strength in these sectors to create more job opportunities for the people and stimulate economic development to a new pitch.

It is a tribute to Telangana that IT bellwether Infosys of Bangalore has embarked on the construction of its second campus, spread over 447 acres, at Pocharam, near Hyderabad, with a total investment of Rs 1,250 crores. The ground -breaking ceremony of the Infosys SEZ campus was held at Pocharam village in the neighbouring Ranga Reddy district.

Chairman of the Board and Chief Mentor of Infosys Technologies Ltd. N R Narayana Murthy has said that their decision to locate the project there was taken in view of the high infrastructure facilities in Hyderabad to make it a premier IT destination.

The Infosys campus at Pocharam is expected to accommodate over 25,000 employees and will be completed over a period of 10 years under a three-phase plan. Work is in progress on the first phase, scheduled to be completed in a three-year period, with a seating capacity of 10,000 employees. The initial investment will amount to Rs 600 crore. Telangana can be justifiably proud of its track record in the IT sector as it looks forward to its future as a separate state.

Political Sabotage In Telangana!

2008-11-25T23:34:00.000-08:00

There are several instances in the history of political movements in India and elsewhere that show how the question of leadership assumes very significance. Although movements are supposed to throw leaders and elevate them during the course of movements, the other way round is also possible in the case of some popular movements in the country. Take the case of Jai Telangana movement of late 1960s. In this instance, political leaders led the movement to its nadir, but failed to sustain it thereafter, and thus worth noting. The movement attracted the national headlines and thereby secured the popular support in the elections held in 1971. Like the JP Movement of mid 70s, the Jai Telangana movement was a popular youth movement. Incidentally, it was Indira Gandhi who faced the challenges of both these movements, and failed to manipulate them electorally. Failed to respond to such political upheavals in a democratic manner, she had to resort to anti-democratic and coercive means, only to betray the spirit of those movements. Of course, the leaders and followers of these movements tried to shirk their responsibilities for their acts of collusion with Indira Gandhi, overtly or covertly. They proved to be the sabotagers of such historic movements.

In the case of Jai Telangana movement, once Congress Union Steel Minister, Marri Chenna Reddy hijacked the Telangana Praja Samiti (TPS) movement of students and employees of Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh and led it to its successful end. Chenna Reddy replaced its first president A.Madanmohan so as to politicalise the movement. Accordingly, this movement-turned party, that secured the popular mandate in terms of winning 11 Loksabha seats (out of 14 seats), swimming across all the currents against the entrenched Congress and the Communists, from the region. Failed to take on the Durga-Indira Gandhi, the Chenna reddy leadership had to yield to the pressures and favours of the Prime Minister. Thus he had to surrender all the TPS’s MPs to Indira Gandhi for few crumbs and thereby sabotaged the movement once for all. However, there was not much noise raised against the act of betrayal, from any quarter including the followers of the TPS. What is discernible from this instance is that the leadership is like a double-edged sword, which can ensure success of a movement, or else it can water down the movements as and when they choose to do so. Thus, the leadership is very crucial in any democratic movement. Although the Telangana movement has always been a democratic one, as the popular mandate was recorded on couple of occasions, the leadership played a dubious role. Unless the leaders are exemplary, one cannot expect them to perform better.

Was the ‘gentlemen agreement’ not an historical blunder? It is pertinent to recollect the violation of this agreement by the first ever chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, Neelam Sanjeeva reddy ridiculing the post of Deputy Chief ministership as sixth finger and thus useless! While he served as Deputy Chief Minister in the B.Gopal reddy’s regime till October 31, 1956, the post became ridiculous to him by November 1, 1956! It was one of the six-point formulas that were violated on the very first day of formation of Andhra Pradesh. Leave alone its sanctity and popular support, the six-point alone was the basis for state formation. There was no referendum of our people, nor was there any recommendation of the SRC (which recommended against merger of Telangana with Andhra state, indeed!) to that effect. Even the Hyderabad State Assembly was divided on the hasty decision. Surprisingly, Prime Minister Nehru’s views on the need of continuation of Telangana reflect the feeling of the then Central government.

Then what precipitated the illegal action of hasty merger was the imposition of Andhra Congress leaders’ viewpoint in the form of ‘Gentlemen agreement’, an historical blunder that was never respected either in letter or in spirit. Who were these gentlemen? Which party they belonged to, by and large? It is those congress leaders who were under the control of Congress coterie that played a dubious role so as to bulldoze the Telangana leaders. Since the Congress party members largely represented the ‘gentlemen agreement’, then that party alone has to own the responsibility. Incidentally, the formation of the state was contractual and conditional (as it was subject to six-point formula/gentlemen agreement), and its very violation on the very first day can be understood as negating the state formation itself! How can the contract be continued if one of its conditions were violated? Does it not tantamount to one-sided contract? It is regrettable to note that such one-sided contract has been imposed on Telangana for that past five decades, thanks to its leaders’ stony silence.

Can minority ever outwit the majority? In the Andhra Pradesh Legislative House of 294 members, only 107 members hail from the Telangana region, which can never have any veto power against the 187 members from non-Telangana areas. Obviously, in the case of any democratic institution, it is the view of the majority that always outwits the minority, not vice versa. Since, there is hardly any protection for a minority viewpoint in the Westminster model (British) of democracy, the minority is bound to bear the brunt of the majority rule. Thus, the rule of majority, that is of non-Telangana areas in Telangana region, for it is merged with Andhra state in 1956, continues unabated. Even if the Chief Minister belongs to the majority party, which obviously has to command majority in non-Telangana areas, he cannot be expected to do develop, leave alone favour, the region the way his people expect him to do so.

For instance, the fate of G.O. No. 610 (that exposes how non-local candidates were appointed against the local quota some 25 years ago) is still hanging in the air. Apparently, almost all political parties favour, in principle, implementing the G.O. No. 610, but did nothing as far as its practicality is concerned. Thus, one can imagine its fate, as its implementation is left to those biased bureaucrats who were actually responsible for the act of illegal recruitment. How come some bureaucrats act so arrogantly that even Girglani had to complain about non-cooperation of government officials in identifying, leave alone punishing, those illegal employees who were appointed long long ago? How come they fail to comply with the norms of government-appointed Girglani commission for more than two years? Where do they get strength from, or tacit cooperation of? How can the government permit such erring officials to continue in office? It is not easy to answer to these questions. For, it is the government that is dominated by the majority in the Assembly of Andhra Pradesh that is responsible for the behaviour of the officials, be it their action of appointing non-locals or inaction of covering up their misdeeds for so long.

Whether the Telangana CMs failed to ‘develop’ the region? Thus, the arguments of ‘development by Telangana chief ministers’ (P.V.Narsimha Rao, M.Chenna Reddy, T.Anjaiah) can be dismissed as mischievous. It may be noted that Jalagam Vengal Rao who cannot be considered as Telangana leader (as he migrated from Krishna district), and thus continued in office without any interruption! Unlike other Andhra Chief Ministers, Telangana leaders always appointed Deputy Chief Ministers from the Andhra-seema region in their cabinets, so as to implement the six-point formula. Leave alone ‘developing Telangana’ our chief ministers never completed their full term so far. However, paradoxically, it is only non-Telangana chief ministers who not only completed their full terms but also created history. Chandra babu surpassing the record of Brahmananda reddy’s long tenure is a case in point. On the other hand, in the case of Telangana leaders, even a great leader like PV could not continue as chief minister of the state for one full year, whereas he completed five year term as prime minister of India, not withstanding his minority-party status at Delhi! In fact, PV was not a separatist like his predecessors, but an integrationist! However, he had to lose his position (CM) for hailing the decision of Supreme Court w.r.t. Mulki rules, as the Jai Andhra movement demanded his resignation. Of course, it is a different matter that even during PV’s regime, the state of Andhra Pradesh failed to get several pending projects cleared, leave alone developing Telangana! Thus, one can imagine the fate of Telangana, in any sector. Viewed in this backdrop, one finds it odd to offer convincing answers to critics who raise questions like why did Telangana leaders(as CMs and PM) fail to develop the region, why do these leaders keep mum when there were discriminatory policies being pursued, why did the Telangana intellectuals raise their voice only when there were non-congress regimes in the state, and whether there was any mandate for Telangana leaders to share power with the Congress party that makes a volte-face on the demand of state.

In any case, it is ridiculous to view Telangana state demand as demand for either ‘welfare’ or ‘development’, be it regionally or economically, as is propagated by the present chief minister. Because, once such argument is promoted, then there are electoral communists ready to join the chorus of raising the question of ‘backward regions’ and demand to treat Telangana on par with those backward regions of the state viz., Rayalaseema, Uttarandhra etc. Then they would be generously seeking the ‘packages’ ‘development funds’ from the central government and thereby confuse the genuine demand of Telangana state once for all. Further, it is also ridiculous to treat Telangana issue as the issue of ‘size’ or ‘administration’ of the region, as is diplomatically raised by the parties and groups like BJP and RSS. As a matter of fact, once the demand is conceded, the Telangana would be bigger state than those existing 16 states in India today! With a population of more than one and half times of that of Nepal, the Telangana state would be of 3.5 crore size. Unlike other three states which were created by the BJP in the year 2000, the state of Telangana does not require any special money for the construction of its state capital city, as the centuries-old Hyderabad is located in the heart of Telangana itself!

Was it also not the failure of the non-congress parties? At the other end, it so happened that the non-congress/opposition parties could not influence the ruling parties and leaders w.r.t. development of the region. At least, they could have strove for undertaking some irrigation and power projects here and there in Telangana. Further, these opposition parties failed to fight for ensuring employment opportunities, leave alone establishing some new industries in their region. In the name of industrialising backward region, the Andhra capitalists were cornering concessions and subsidies on the one hand, but they were importing employees from Andhra areas into Telangana-based industries. While Andhra capitalists were permitted to pollute Telangana lands and fields and thereby to derive industrial profits/benefits, they were not asked to employ the local youth in the Telangana industries. Instead, Nizam-established industries were being closed down and sold out to the Andhra entrepreneurs at a throw away prices.

But still these parties, particularly those from the communist ranks, albeit made some noise now and then, but colluded with the ruling parties/regimes, as if the Telangana development was not their botheration. Why is it that the opposition parties were indifferent to rising unemployment in Telangana? Why is that old irrigation projects were not being completed in Telangana, whereas new projects are planned in Andhra region? Pulichintala project that caters to the needs of third crop in the Coastal area is being implemented on war footing is a case in point. Why it is that farmers in the same state were treated in different ways, (for Andhra peasants were provided CHEAP water with canal-irrigation, whereas Telangana peasants were forced to go for COSTLY bore well-irrigation)? Why is it that there were no agitations being launched when non-local candidates were appointed against local quota, affecting the job-prospects of thousands of Telangana youth? Why is it that there were no agitations against the failure of implementing the G.O. No. 610? These are some questions that deserve answers from the communist parties which believe in equity and equality, linguistic unity, working class unity, peoples’ unity etc.

Was it not the communists’ betrayal of Telangana cause? For those of us who have studied the communist activities in Telangana, their silence alone would be the only answer. Since they cannot reject these questions as illogical, they have to pretend that their silence would speak better. Because, they are simply subjective, biased and opportunistic, they neglect any sort of objective analysis. They practice what they do not preach, or preach what they do not practice. They are hypocritical and played the game of villains, as far as Telangana is concerned. One can trace the roots of the communist hypocrisy in their age-old struggle for linguistic states. Their approach towards religion, region, caste and community are smacked of their farce-class analysis. While they were always engaged in class-analyses on the state, independence, nationalism, secularism, path of development in India, their activities were influenced by their opportunistic shifting stands. Their agitations were based on the sheer electoral objectives. Their elections were being influenced by their compromises on militancy. Their governments were being continued due to their collaborationist policies with their class enemies. As they colluded with their Andhra Congress counterparts in finalising the Telangana-merger, against the popular will of the Telangana people, in the name of VISHAALAANDHRA LO PRAJAA RAJYAM! They helped the Andhra capitalists to colonise Telangana internally so as to continue loot and plunder unabated.

Take the case of CPM leaders, who are playing the role of sabotage in Telangana, long before they emerged on the Indian political scene. Their Bengal BOSSES were competing with their counterparts in other states to attract foreign funds in Calcutta, but opposing the same in Delhi. One can cite several such hypocritical practices of the CPM, which expose their Bengal-bias on the one hand and myopic view of Telangana. That is not all. There is another dimension to their consistent opposition to the cause of Telangana state. More than their Bengal-bias (as some would believe that their opposition stems from their antipathy towards separate state demands of Gorkhaland and Northern Bengal etc), the Andhra-bias undermined the Telangana comrades. Thus, not a single Telangana comrade was ever elevated to the level of State Secretary, leave alone making him a politburo member! Two young Politbureau members, Sitaram yechury and Raghavulu(both hail from Andhra region) alone are controlling the party affairs completely today. Obviously, none can take on these Andhra comrades to question their Andhra-bias towards their Telangana counterparts!

Thanks to the heroic Telangana peasant struggle that cost the lives of ten thousand Telangana villagers, the Andhra communists (P.Sundarayya) became the main opposition leaders in the first Loksabha itself. Whereas, the Telangana leadership that bore brunt of feudal capitalist onslaughts has always been the loser, leave alone leading the Indian communist movement in Andhra at least! For, they did not trust Telangana mass leaders to occupy the highest party positions in the state till date. Thus, once Telangana mass leaders like DVRao, Omkar and BNReddy were ridiculed and dismissed from the party. On several occasions the party fielded Andhra comrades from Telangana constituencies/areas, but not the other way round. In the recent elections to LokSabha too, the CPM fielded a Bejawada Baburao from the Telangana seat (Bhadrachalam), whereas in the elections to the Rajyasabha, the party got one Nellore-Madhu-reddy elected. Even in the party positions too, less said the better, as Andhra comrades were always given leadership in some Telangana districts. But no Telangana leader is ever given any such position in the Andhra areas! This is not just history. Even today, Andhra comrades are leading the party units and frontal organisations in Hyderabad, Rangareddy, and few other Telangana districts are just a few cases in point. These are some bitter facts that are hardly covered in the Andhra-biased media.

Finally, if at all there are any obstacles that impact on the state formation, then it is those Andhra settlers who had grabbed the government positions, violating the legal- local-category norms by producing bogus mulki/local certificates. Obviously, the issue of non-local recruitment (G.O.No. 610 is a case in point) in Telangana region continues to be hanging in the air, as long as the Telangana state is not formed. And of course, there are some political leaders, incidentally, they are not elected representatives of the Telangana people in any sense, (for, they are appointed by the party high commands), who are the main hurdles in the formation of Telangana state. The two invisible entities, bogus bureaucrats and political parasites seem to be responsible for manipulating the Telangana politicians and elected representatives for the past 50 years! This is the crux of the whole problem that delayed the process of state formation. Thus, it is time we realise how this problem is to be solved at once, if at all democratic demand of state formation is to be achieved in the days to come.

Acute Drinking Water Scenario in Telangana

2008-11-25T23:33:00.000-08:00

Today, we are witnessing a series of revival meetings for demanding separate Telnagana. Their zeal and enthusiasm are like that of born-again Christians carrying on a crusade against injustice. It is axiomatic that exploitation occurs only between two unequal and that the exploiter would always like to keep the exploited weak. Therefore, development of the Telangana region in a combined state is theoretically not possible. This leaves little scope for the implementation of developmental strategies even if they are suggested. This is precisely what has been happening. For example, the magnificent prosperity of the people living downstream of two mighty rivers Krishna and Godavari, is due to adequate utilization of their waters for their benefit. This is hardly the case with Telangana through which these rivers pass. The people of Telangana, particularly of this generation, feel they are cheated out of their educational and employment opportunities. Add to this the absence of any developmental programs. No wonder, the people are disenchanted and frustrated. Because of the violation of rules made to protect their interests, their faith and credibility in the government has been getting guide seriously eroded. What they are asking for in these meetings, is their right to guide their own destiny. They are not asking for anything that belongs to others. They regard it utterly fatuous when someone tells them not to ask for separation. They see it as an invitation to be exploited further. And they consider it extremely uncouth and uncivilized the way some people try to humiliate them in their own house.

Coming to the question of regional imbalances which are in reality the outcome of discrimination and neglect, it surprising that even in the matter of supplying water to drink, a strange type of indifference can easily be noticed on the part of government . Although Hyderabad is the capital of unified Andhra Pradesh, the water scheme drawing water from the Krishna has been allowed to languish on the drawing boards for almost a quarter of a century. In order to delay the scheme, government has been spending crores of rupees in the name of fresh appraisals; a scheme that was recommended by three expert committees and for which two foundations stones have already been laid, sites fixed and compound walls built. To develop the concept, a private consultant was paid Rs 5 crores whereas, there is hardly anything left to conceive. Meanwhile, the cost of the scheme has gone up from Rs. 129 crores to 180 crores; which means, if the scheme is even taken up and commissioned, only those living on the Banjara Hills and few others, can afford to buy that water, aggravating further the hardship faced by vast majority of city's population, and incidentally, that of the surrounding municipalities that now form part of the so called megacity. Meanwhile, the water from different river basin is increasingly being diverted to the city depriving the people of Medak and farmers toiling for generations in the are under Nizamsagar their legitimate share. The most tragic of all is the case of Nalgonda. People for generations have been facing the twin problems of scarcity and excess fluoride in the water.

The Royal Netherlands Government had offered to provide financial assistance, which is non-repayable, to provide fluoride-free water to the people who are suffering from crippling effects of flourosis. It is really pathetic to see people afflicted with the disease. Yet no serious effort has been made to secure the grant offered. Under this scheme. around three hundred villages and an equal number of hamlets were to be covered. It was also proposed that Srisailam Left Bank Canal should provide water for some of these villages. The Dutch experts were shocked to hear that though the canal is being dug, nothing has been done to make the water flow in it.

The areas around Hyderabad where the industries are located have become unlivable; the ground water is polluted, denying the people water to drink and the air vitiated in such a way that breathing is hazard. The waste treatment plant has been declared as the biggest polluter by the Supreme Court of India.

The general feeling one can gauge in these meetings is that they have crossed the point of no return. Hope held out for so long has been tormenting their soul; anything offered now is not likely to affect their resolve. They attribute it to sheer arrogance when they hear people saying that they will not concede Telangana.

Telangana is nobody's pocket. It does not lie in their mouth to criticize those who favor separation when they themselves have deified the man who wrested the Andhra region from the erstwhile Madras province. In spite of all this, it is remarkable that the voice of the protagonists of Telangana is conciliatory. They believe that affection grows with separation. Bonds that have been established between the two Telugu speaking people can never break. And Telangana, as it has been its traditions, will continue to welcome all those who have genuine love for it. Telangana invites them wholeheartedly to participate in search for and the selection of the most appropriate developmental alternatives for this region, not only to remove the present imbalance but also to lay the path towards a glorious future. The real celebration of the fiftieth year of our independence as a nation lies in this.

G.O. 610 & TELANGANA: History is Repeating Itself

2008-11-25T23:32:00.000-08:00

The ongoing debate about the much publicised G.O. 610 has made one thing clear, i.e. the history is repeating itself. This order issued by the Government of Andhra Pradesh in December 1985 and required to be implemented by March 1986 is yet to be implemented. It has created a situation similar to the one created 34 years ago by G.O.36 of January 1969. If one recalls as to what had happened then, it should not be difficult to visualise as to what would happen now. The G.O. 610 will not be implemented - it is as simple as that.

The 1969 Fiasco: In an attempt to sort out the issues that had contributed to the Separate Telangana Movement of 1968-69, the State Government of the time issued an order that has come to be known as G.O. 36 of January 1969. It was aimed at repatriating about twenty five thousand non-Mulki (non local) employees illegally appointed in the Telangana region, to their respective places and appointing local candidates in the resultant vacancies. But, the non-Mulkies appointed in the Telangana region challenged not only G.O.36 but also the very validity of what were known as Mulki Rules. After a prolonged litigation, the Supreme Court of India upheld the constitutional validity of Mulki Rules and facilitated implementation of G.O. 36. The political elite of Andhra and the non-Mulki employees appointed in Telangana, however, did not digest it. The result was a violent movement for a separate Andhra state. The leaders of that movement demanded either scrapping of the judgement of Supreme Court of India validating Mulki Rules, and also other safeguards, or bifurcation of Andhra Pradesh into Andhra and Telangana states. It should be recalled that, among others, Chandrababu Naidu and Venkaiah Naidu were in the forefront of that movement. The Government of India of the time yielded to the pressure of political might and money power of the majority region and nullified, by an act of parliament, the judgement of Supreme Court of India, besides scrapping several safeguards given to the people of Telangana as a precondition for the formation of Andhra Pradesh. Consequently, all irregular appointments were regularised, depriving local candidates of their rightful claims over those jobs.

The Present Scenario: After nullifying the Mulki Rules, the so called Six-point formula - a diluted form of safeguards - was foisted on the people. Even this formula has been, and continues to be, violated with impunity, robbing the people of Telangana of whatever little was left in the name of safeguards. It was estimated that between 1973 and 1985 around fifty nine thousand non locals were recruited in the Telangana region. As a result, the people of the region became once again restive and the government was compelled to issue G.O. 610 to rectify the situation. The sum and substance of G.O.610 was to repatriate all non local candidates illegally appointed in the Telangana region to their native zones and appoint local candidates in the resultant vacancies. The entire process was to be completed by the end of March 1986.

But, no one remembered even the existence of this order, until the revival of demand for a separate state of Telangana gathered momentum in 1996. The State Government which was in slumber for so long a time then woke up and started making promises of implementing this G.O. About three years ago, a one-man commission was appointed to work out the modalities. Even before the commission completed its work, this task was entrusted to a house committee of the state legislature. It is nearly two years since this house committee was appointed, but it is yet to complete its work. It has so far given only an interim report.

It should to be noted that the number of employees recruited between 1973 and 1985, violating the statutory requirements, was estimated to be around fifty nine thousand. There could be difference of opinion about the figure. Whatever the number, it was as in December 1985. Since then, neither the G.O. has been implemented nor making illegal appointments stopped. Therefore, the first thing to be done in this regard is to work out the number of these appointments made from 1973 till now, spanning a period of nearly two decades.

According to several unofficial, but reliable, surveys the figure has already crossed two Lakhs. The house committee of the state legislature has not yet done anything tangible to arrive at the number of illegal appointments made in several departments at various levels i.e. district, zone, and region. It has not, so far, looked in to the appointments made in the state level offices and organisations to ascertain whether equitable employment opportunities were provided to the people of this region.

It is yet to look in to the complaints regarding the appointments made on the strength of bogus certificates of nativity. It has, as of now, identified only a few hundred positions, mostly in the capital city and a couple of small departments. The bulk of the work is yet to be done. The interim report of the house committee is, therefore, like the tip of an iceberg. Even this interim report has not been implemented so far. On the contrary, unnecessary legal cobwebs and procedural wrangles are being created. Meanwhile, the tenure of present legislative assembly itself is coming to an end. With this scenario, can any one expect that this order is going to be implemented? It is evident that what had happened to G.O.36 of 1969 is bound to happen to G.O. 610 of 1985 as well - history will repeat itself.

Telangana Liberation - A Peoples Struggle

2008-11-25T23:31:00.000-08:00

After a great struggle and sacrifice of Indian people, the British parliament passed an act. It was the act of independence 1947. According to this act, two separate countries, Indian union and Pakistan came in to existence on 15th August 1947. British declared Independence to more than 500 princely states along with India and Pakistan. These princely states were out side the British Indian Dominion. British gave to these princely states their own independent decision to chalk out their future course. They were left free to join either of the states i.e., India and Pakistan or to remain as separate independent states. Sardar Vallabhai Patel, the then Deputy Prime Minister of India took a stern actions to integrate all the princely states. With a stroke of pen all the princely states except Kashmir, Hyderabad state and JunaGadh, decided to join Indian Union.

The people of Junagadh rose in revolt. The Government of India was forced to take over the control of the Junagadh. Jammu and Kashmir remained as independent state for some time but Pakistan encouraged people in North West and also invaded Jammu and Kashmir at that moment. The Maharaja of Kashmir appeared to Indian union and signed the instrument of accession. . The Indian troops went into Jammu and Kashmir and fought the invading forces, and thus Jammu and Kashmir became part of India.

The state of Hyderabad was very big in area. There were 8 Districts of Atraf Balda, Medak, Nizamabad, Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, Warangal, Karimnagar and Adilabad districts in Telangana; 6 districts, Aurangabad, Nanded, Beed, Osmanabad, Bidar and Parbhani, Maratwada. Gulbarga and Raichur, 2 districts in Karnataka area. Altogether there were 16 districts. Mir Osman Ali Khan, the Nizam of Hyderabad was the ruler. He was having his own currency, postage and stamps. He had his own railways Nizam state railway (N.S.Railway), Bus services, airport and air-services. He had his own armed forces. The state was rich with abundance of minerals, coal, iron, and other valuable metal reserves, further more he was regarded as the wealthiest king in the world. Keeping in view of all the resources, wealth and abundance of natural resources, the aristocrats, i.e. the Nawabs and Jagirdhars, who were around him provoked and forced the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare independence.

On 15th August 1947, the Nizam declared independence and the yellow coloured flag the Asafjahi Jhanda was hoisted. Though the ruler was a Muslim, the majority of people in the state were Hindus. Obviously majority of the people wanted to join the Indian Union. Sensing revolt from the people, the Nawabs and Jagirdars began to make plans to crush down the upsurge of the people if any.

Laique Ali was the chief minister and he was the mastermind behind the entire aftermath happenings in the state. A private army called "Razakars" was formed. Most of the Muslim youth were enrolled as Razakars and they were given military training. "Khasim Razvi" an High court advocate was made the state leader of the Razakars, Razakars is a urdu word meaning "volunteer". General public in the state were very much disappointed and protested against the imperialism of the Nizam rule. Some people went under ground and fought against the police and Razakars. But the regular police along with the Razakars let loose the terror among the people. There was arson, loot, murder and rapes through out the state. The unrest and upsurge of the people were called disturbances. With the pretext of maintaining peace the regular police and Razakars committed all kinds of atrocities, some of the rich people went out of the state and took shelter in the neighboring states of Indian union. Particularly the people of Telangana area went to Andhra area. The Telangana people, who expected sympathetic treatment from the Andhra people, were greatly disappointed. Instead of showing sympathy and stretching helping hand, they ill-treated them. At every place they were humiliated and insulted. All the essential commodities and foodstuffs were sold to the telangana people at double rates. The house rents were also increased. Thus the telangana people suffered economically and mentally. Here in the towns and cities, the locks of the vacant houses were broken and they were occupied by the Muslims brought from the villages, where there was threat to their lives from the Communists. Almost all the big towns and cities were full of Muslims. The plight of Hindus in these towns was very miserable. There was constant fear and terror and they were living with a danger to their lives. In those days every Muslim even a boy used to say that Hindus were "Gaddar", "Gaddar" is an Urdu word which means, "traitor".

Among the people who remained in their houses the police took some prominent persons in to custody that they thought could organize and create trouble. They were put in jails. In Jangaon also some prominent person like Peddi Narayana, Dr.Shankar Rao, K.P.S.Menon, Arvapalli Narayana, U.V.S.Shastri and Harakari Srinivasa Rao were taken in to custody and put in Chenchalguda Central Jail in Hyderabad. Like wise all over the state police arrested a number of influential and prominent people and put them in central jails. Due to the short of place in jails, the Ajanta and Ellora caves were also made Jails. Dasharathi Krishnama Chari, the state poet was also arrested and kept in the Ellora and Ajanta caves as prisoner, where he wrote his familiar poetic line, "Naa Telangana, Koti Ratanala Veena", such was the patriotism of Telangana people.

During the period of Nizam, there were a number of Deshmukhs, Jagirdars and Jamindars who were familiarly called as "Doras". With the blessings of Nizam Doras enjoyed full powers to rule the villages at their will and they used to collect the land revenue too. All the villagers, living in small huts were either tenants of their lands or workers working in their fields. These Deshmukhs were very cruel, notorious and unkind to the people. The atrocities of these Deshmukhs were no less than the Razakars. Particularly in Telangana Region there were a great number of Deshmukhs, who let loose the terror and violence among the villagers. Hence the people of this region were forced to join the Communist movement only to check and stop the atrocities of these "Doras".

In old Jangaon taluk there is a village named Visnoor, where Rapaka Ramachandra Reddy was the Deshmukh. There were 60 villages under his control. He built a big bunglow with the free labor of the villagers. Nothing was paid to the workers. It is called "Vetti". The workers and other villagers rose against the Deshmukh. They could not tolerate the atrocities of the Deshmukh and his hench men. There was a fierce battle between his men and villagers. Many villagers were seriously injured and "Doddi Komaraiah" was killed. At that time the Andhra Mahasabha led the people movement. They held a big rally in Jangaon town and arranged seminars and meetings for three days where "Doddi Komaraiah gate" was erected in his memory. Many leaders like Ravinarayana Reddy, Baddam Ella Reddy, Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi and Arutla Laxminarasimha Reddy spoke. They described Visnoor Deshmukh as "Kaliyuga Ravanasoor". Slowly the struggle started by the common people of the region against the imperialism, started bending towards communism. Thus communism got its birth in this area mainly because of Visnoor Deshmukh.

During the period of Razakars i.e. after the Nizam of Hyderabad declared independence the entire state of Hyderabad was caught in fear and terror and full of disturbances every where. At that time lakhs of Muslims came to Hyderabad in special trains from Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Orissa. They were all uneducated workers land laborers. Their clothes were shabby and dirty. They were called " Phanagazeen". It is a urdu word meaning "refugees". So the entire responsibility of their rehabilitation fell on the state administration. The Nawabs, Jagirdars and Deshmukhs took some of these refugees to their areas and looked after them. They were given food and shelter. These refugees were also given the army training and they were also supplied guns and made Razakars. These refugees were used to crush the peoples struggle and upsurge.

Babu Dora was the elder son of Visnoor Deshmukh. He was very cruel and notorious. He took hundreds of these refugees to Visnoor and kept them under his control. They not only guarded the Deshmukh building but let loose terror and committed atrocities among the villagers Babu Dora along with the armed gang of these refugees used to go to some villages and harassed the villagers. Every day Babu Dora killed one or more persons wherever he went. In Devaruppula village three persons were burnt alive. He was so notorious that he made some of the women dance naked. Villagers were very much afraid of this Babu Dora. So the Communists of this area fought against these forces. Under this Visnoor Deshmukh there was one village named "Kadavendi". A youth by name "Nalla Narsimhulu" of this village became the leader of Communists of this area.

All the Deshmukhs and police personnel were afraid of Nalla Narsimhulu. They could not get sound sleep to hear his name. Gabbeta Tirmal Reddy and his brother Madhav Reddy were also organizers of Communists and fought against the feudalists and their atrocities. Arutla Ramchandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamala Devi, and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy organized the Communist Dalams in Alair and Bhongir area. All these leaders had to go under ground and organized armed dalams and fought against the police and Razakars.

To counter the uprising of the people in Jangaon area, a special Deputy Collector was posted at Jangaon. He was given extra-ordinary powers and the armed special police battalions to crush the peoples upsurge and to maintain peace, law and order in this area. In Jangaon, just behind our house there was a private Muslim doctor, by name Azeejullah. He was well versed in Telugu language. He used to tell Harikathas in Telugu. Azeejullah was made leader of Razakars in Jangaon. The deputy collector used to go to one or two villages every day along with special police and Razakars with the pretext of maintaining peace in the area. Doctor Azeezullah, the leader of the Razakars used to give lectures in Telugu supporting to the government and to eliminate the Communists who were regarded as unsocial elements.

Whenever the villagers heard the sounds of approaching trucks and lorries the men and youth used to run away from their houses without even caring for their children and women. They used to run away in to the fields and forests to save their lives. The villagers who ever remained in villages were gathered at central place and enquired as to who gave food and shelter to the Communists, and then police took such people under their custody. Meanwhile the Razakars attacked the houses and took away all the costly and useful articles, most of the villagers were beaten and killed and the women were humiliated, insulted even some were raped. There was arson, loot, murder and rape wherever the Razakars went. The police use to take some of the youth to taluk headquarters i.e. Jangaon and they were beat and tortured for some days and lastly they were taken out side Jangaon town and shot dead at a small hillock called "Pottigutta”. The dead bodies were left in the open place to rot and were eaten away by beasts and vultures. There was evil smell of the dead bodies around the Jangaon town. The regular police and Razakars under the direction of government officers and the deputy collector committed all these atrocities.

On the other side whenever the Communists entered the villages they also used to enquiry as to who gave information to the police. They used to beat them and took them out side the village and sometimes even killed them. The people in the villages were living in the state of terror and fear feeling threat from both sides i.e. the police and Razakars on one side and Communists on the other side. Their plight was very miserable.

In every state there was a representative of Indian government called resident. Sri K.M.Munshi was the resident on Hyderabad state. He stayed at Thirumalagiri near Bollaram. There was some Indian army with him. Indian government received the reports from Sri K.M.Munshi that there was complete break down of law and order in the state and people are agitating against the Nizam government. But the state government sent contradicting reports stating that there were no disturbances at all in the state. There was perfect peace and no reasons for the Indian government to doubt the Hyderabad state authority in maintaining the law and order .

Villagers in the state particularly in Jangaon taluk was very much vexed with the atrocities of the police and Razakars. There is a village named Bahiranpalli in Jangaon taluk. This village had a "Buruj" built of mud and stones and it was in the centre of the village. By standing on the "Buruz" one can see all around the village. So they employed some youth and kept them on this buruz to guard day and night with guns. They kept watch on borders of the village. They used to fire from the top of "Buruz" and prevented the police and Razakars and even Communists. Thus they protected themselves and saved lives of their children and families.

The deputy collector of Jangaon one day went to this village along with his armed special police and Razakars as a routine of his mission to maintain peace among the villagers, when the guards on the "buruz" of village saw the vehicles of the police and Razakars, they started firing. The police also fired at the "buruz" but could not break it. Further the police and the Razakars could not go even a step forward and counter the incessant firing from the guards of the village. The deputy collector felt humiliated and went back to Jangaon. He sent a wireless message to Nalgonda, the district head quarters. In his message he stated that a few villages at Bahiranpally area are acting as the centers of Communist activity. They have built a strong "Morchas" and also strong-armed men to fight against the government forces. He also requested to send some additional forces with strong machine guns and cannons.

The next day additional special reserved police with military trucks, guns and cannons arrived at Jangaon on 27th August 1948. The deputy collector went to village of Bhairanpally along with his special police battalion and Razakars. At first the police surrounded the entire village so that no one can run out of the village. Then they fired the cannons aimed at the buruj. At once the upper part of the buruz collapsed and the guards on it had to run away from there. Then the police and Razakars entered the village and killed all the youth and men leaving only the children, old men and women. The entire village was full of blood and dead bodies. It was a mass killing. It reminded of the massacre of Jallianwalla Bagh in Punjab on 13th April 1919, where more than 1000 men were killed and several thousands got wounded. It was the most uncivilized atrocity. The Govt. of India got the reports of this massacre committed by the regular police. Sardhar Vallabhai Patel sent a warning to the government of Hyderabad state. He stated that the state government failed to maintain the law and order in the state and its people were put to many unseen and unknown troubles and many people were killed. So the government of India was forced to send its own army to the state of Hyderabad to maintain the law land order to save the lives and properties of the common people. If the state government tried to prevent the army from entering in to the state the army will take action and use force. The state government of Hyderabad protested and countered that the Government of India was having a false report. There are no disturbances in the state. There is complete peace and law and order is fully maintained.

But at zero hours on 13th September 1948, the Indian army started moving in to the state on all sides. On the same day two fighter planes came to Mamnoor police camp and bombed the Aerodrome so that no plane from out side can come and land there. When the army from eastern side came to Khammam, the Razakars went in side the fort and closed the doors and fired on the Indian troops from inside the fort. Two bombers fighters came and bombed the fort from above. Thus the Indian troops advanced from all sides and major general J.N.Chowdhary who advanced from Maharashtra side could reach the Hyderabad on 17th September 1948 and made the Nizam of Hyderabad to declare that he is joining the Indian union. Thus the Indian government took over the control of the administration of the state on 17th September 1948. That is the day Telangana has been liberated.

Major General J.N.Chowdary was made the military administrator of the state. The state of Hyderabad was under the military rule for one year. Even after the military took over the administration of the state, the Communist who went under ground did not stop their movement to fight against the imperialism of the Deshmukhs. Nalgonda and Warangal districts were declared disturbed areas and General Nanjappa was appointed special officer for these two districts. He was given extraordinary powers to crush the Communist movement. Many Communist leaders were taken as prisoners and presented before the court for legal proceedings. Nalla Narasimhulu the Communist leader who terrified the Deshmukhs and Nizam was arrested and presented before the court. After the trial for few years in different courts the Supreme Court acquitted him finally. He continued as the leader of the Communist party and lived in Jangaon till his death. Gabbeta Tirumal Reddy who was also arrested but was killed by the army in a fake encounter. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife Arutla Kamaladevi and Arutla Laxminarsimha Reddy were arrested and after the trials in the court they were acquitted. Charabuddi Jagga Reddy father of Sri Charabuddi Dayakar Reddy, the present Chairman of the C.D.R.Hospital Hyderabad was also an under ground Communist leader. He was also arrested and after the trial in the court he was acquitted. Ravi Narayana Reddy, Baddam Yella Reddy and Govind Rao Sharab were the leading Communist leaders. They contested the general elections and won the elections. Arutla Ramachandra Reddy and his wife also contested and represented the Communist party in the assembly. Sri Ravi Narayana Reddy contested parliament elections and won the Nalgonda parliament seat with highest number of votes in whole of India. Thus the under ground movement of Communist came to an end. Magdoom Mohiuddin a Communist and a well known journalist won MLA seat from Jangaon. The Communists left the armed struggle and started participating in the mainstream political process and contested the assembly and parliament elections. The underground movement of armed struggle came to an end once forever.

An OPEN LETTER To Sri Manmohan Singh, Honorable Prime Minister of India

2008-11-25T23:29:00.000-08:00

Dear Sir,

We take this opportunity to impress upon you the need and urgency of your action in the form of working toward a separate Telangana State. As you quoted Victor Hugo over a decade ago, “No army can withstand the strength of an idea whose time has come” and the Telangana people’s aspiration is one such.

Telangana has been subjected to oppression and neglect for over five hundred fifty years. First five hundred years, Muslim Kings made the decisions for Telangana, and the last 47 years, Andhras are making decisions for Telangana. The Telangana people were free for only four years (1952 – 1956) to make their own decisions. Freedom to determine one’s own destiny, as you know is the highest of the rewards for a true democracy.

Four and a half decades have passed since the State of Andhra Pradesh was formed. As you are aware, the merger of Telangana with the former Andhra State became possible only because a set of solemn promises were made and constitutional guarantees were given to protect against the possible neglect and exploitation of Telangana. These promises were made not just once, but numerous times and all were broken.

Consequently, the exploitation of the region and its people is continued. The people of the region are not only deprived of their legitimate share in the development but are also marginalized in the political process. They have been humiliated on the cultural and linguistic fronts and are virtually reduced to the status of second-class citizens in their own homeland. A prolonged neglect of the region has provided a fertile ground for the emergence and spread of Naxalite violence and also unending farmer suicides.

The development scenario of Telangana is very depressing. There is not even a single sector in which this region has not been ignored. We would, however, like to bring to your notice only a few areas to underscore the gravity of the situation.

EDUCATION

The literacy rate in Telangana is 37% as against 46% in Coastal Andhra, 45% in Rayalaseema and 72% in the Capital City.
Enrollment of students at the school level in Telangana is 30% instead of 40%, based on the size of population. Over 75% of the expenditure on government and government-aided colleges is incurred in the other two regions.
Out of 21 Universities and University level Institutions funded either by the State or the Central Government, 3 are located in Coastal Andhra, 7 in Rayalaseema, 10 in the Capital city and just one in the entire Telangana region.
IRRIGATION

69% percent of catchments area of river Krishna and 79% percent of catchments area of river Godavari are in the Telangana, and Telangana region gets less than 15% of the river waters.
The Coastal Andhra has usurped 80% of assured waters of Krishna allocated to the State by the Bachawat Tribunal. 90% of surplus waters, yet to be allocated, are reserved for the Rayalaseema, denying the Telangana its rightful share.
The Godavari waters have already been harnessed to irrigate more than 12 lakh acres in Coastal Andhra while the corresponding figure for Telangana is 4 lakh acres. The proposed Polavaram Project on Godavari is to serve the Coastal Andhra region is planned to be six times larger than the proposed Ichampalli Project to serve the backward Telangana region.
The net area under tank irrigation in the Telangana region had declined by 76% between 1956 and 1998. The Telangana farmers mostly depend on well irrigation. The farmers of Coastal Andhra get cheap canal water subsidized by the State, while the Telangana farmers are forced to pay higher electric pump bills.
AGRICULTURE

The net cultivated area in the Telangana region has decreased by 22% during the period 1956 and 1998, while it has increased by 4.25% in Coastal Andhra region.
40% of the cultivated area in the State is in the Telangana region, and the institutional credit available to the Telangana farmers is far less. They get 18%, 23% and 28% of the total credit provided by the District Cooperative Central Banks (short-term), the A.P. Cooperative Central Bank (long-term) and the Scheduled Commercial Banks.
Inadequate Institutional credit is forcing the Telangana farmers to fall into the debt trap laid by the private moneylenders, leading to an unprecedented number of suicides during the last five years.
INDUSTRIES

No major industry worth its name has been setup in any of the districts of the Telangana region as compared to the establishment of several industries in Visakapatnam, Vijayawada, Kakinada, Nellore, Tirupati, and Cuddapah.
Quite a few major industries established in the Telangana region during the rule of Nizams are being closed one after the other by the successive governments. Important among the closed industries are Azamjahi Mills (Warangal), Sir Silk Factory (Sirpur), Antargaon Spinning Mills (Adilabad), DBR Mills, and Allwyn Factory. Further the famous Nizam Sugar Factory (Nizamabad) is on the verge of closure.
EMPLOYEMENT

There are about 15 lakh jobs in the government and government-funded offices and establishments. Based on the size of population, 40% of these jobs, i.e. 6 lakhs, should have been filled in by the Telangana job seekers. But the total number of jobs now occupied by them is less than 2 lakhs.
The State Government issued orders as back as in the year 1984 to remove all the non-locals appointed and to appoint only Telangana locals against the vacancies created. Besides not implementing these orders, further recruitment of non-locals in the Telangana region is going on.
FINANCES

The contribution of Telangana region to the State’s Exchequer has all along been around 43%. But the expenditure incurred on the development of this region has never been more than 25%.
The lower per capita income of the Telangana region enabled the State Government to get higher allocation of funds from the successive Finance Commissions. But the benefit of such higher allocation of funds never materialized for the Telangana region.
More than 80% of loans taken from the World Bank and other International and National agencies are being spent for the development of Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema. But the burden of repayment of these loans and interest on them is being borne by the people of Telangana to the extent of 40 to 43%.
A cumulative effect of these and similar factors, over the years, has been the diversion of thousands of crores of rupees meant for the development of Telangana region, for the development of other regions.
The situation in other sectors is equally, if not more, alarming. The Drinking water is a major issue for the Telangana region. The people mostly depend on bore-wells for their drinking water and are inflicted with fluorosis. The fluorides in the drinking water cause permanent disfigurement, brain damage and there is no cure for it.

Telangana is rich with resources. Telangana people are asking: Use Telangana resources for the development of Telangana region for the betterment of Telangana people. We hope that the national government under your stewardship is aware of these facts.

Formation of Telangana State is as explained earlier is the aspiration of the natives. That aside, the principles governing smaller states to bring government closer to people would build up the economy and empower people in the process. Telangana people opposed the formation of Andhra Pradesh state in 1956, they overwhelmingly voted for a separate Telangana state in 1969. In 2004 elections, the people of Andhra Pradesh accepted the concept of two states, voted overwhelmingly for TRS-Congress alliance, and rejected the TDP appeal for united Andhra Pradesh.

I congratulates you for taking the step toward initiating a dialogue through President’s address to the Parliament and further clarifying it in your first Press conference the future Telangana state. Telangana people have committed to achieve their statehood through non-violence. The conditions are ripe and there is consensus on ground with out any unnecessary hate or dislike toward each other. The time for Telangana has come and please understands that I will continue to work towards the betterment of the region.

Thanking you Sir.
Sincerely yours,

Telangana Supercop

An Open Letter to Sonia Gandhi

2008-11-25T23:25:00.000-08:00

Dear Ma'am,

We are writing this letter to you, on behalf of Telanganites across India to inform you and request you to take appropriate decisions regarding democratic demand of Telangana people. We are supporting the just and democratic demand for Separate Telangana. We would like to gently remind you that you too campaigned for Congress party during the 2004 elections by accepting the demand for separate Telangana. The fact that Congress had electoral alliance with TRS, and willing to go ahead with the parties having only one objective to establish Telangana state, is in itself enough that you agreed for the formation of separate state. You have campaigned for Congress party with “Jai Telangana” slogan. That is exactly the reason, they voted for Congress and the current Chief Minister vows his power to the people of Telangana.

People of Telangana peacefully waited for four years for Congress party to honour the main election promise- to move the bill in the parliament for forming Telangana state. The wish of the people of Telangana was included in the common minimum programme of your UPA Government. The President of India, the highest constitutional authority in India, articulated it during his speech to Parliament. Then we, along with people of Telangana, believed that the process of formation of state will be started soon. After four years, people of Telangana are feeling cheated and betrayed.

The popular demand for separate state is now in the hands of a few people who are manipulating Congress party. We feel that the democratic demand for separate state is being deliberately undermined and insulted for the gain of these few individuals in the Congress party. This is not acceptable in a democratic country like India. We are writing to you to examine the facts and agree for the Telangana state immediately to avoid unfortunate events that might be created by the people who are for and against the formation of Telangana.

We have no political interest whatsoever. Some of our families were part of the popular Telangana movement during the process of re-organisation of the country. People of Telangana never agreed to be part of the Andhra Pradesh. The struggle continued for last fifty years- the longest struggle in post independent India. As you may be aware, whenever the people of Telangana had an opportunity, they expressed their preference for a separate state. In 1971 during the peak of Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s popularity, Telangana people have voted for separate state overwhelmingly electing 10 out of 11 Parliament seats. Again in 2004 they voted for the parties supporting separate state, including Congress party, defeating the most powerful politician then in the state and country. In 2006 bi-election, once again they expressed their anger, frustration and bitterness by defeating Congress. How many times do the Telangana people have to express their preference to live in separate state? They lost confidence on state of Andhra Pradesh. They do not need any prolonging in the name of building consensus. There is a consensus among all sections of Telangana people- artists, writers, elites, educated middle class, politicians, political parties, farmers, women - practically every one now wants to live in a separate state.

If there is a referendum more than 85% people of Telangana want separate state. That is what your own senior party leaders wanted to communicate to you in Delhi. They were humiliated because they were denied even the appointment. We on behalf of Telangana people wanted to meet you personally and explain the situation, but we decided to inform you through this open letter with a view that this is the faster way you might be able to listen and take action.

Powerful kingdoms have fallen. Six hundred years of Nizams rule in Hyderabad crumbled when they failed to listen to people. In democracy people are supreme. Listen to the people and their concerns. That is what we would like to request you through this open letter. YSR or Naidu will never agree for separate state. They are part of the problem. Building consensus for Telangana state is certainly required. But you cannot build consensus with those who are part of the problem. There is consensus within Telangana. Telangana will not be a small state, it will be bigger than18 Existing states of India.

Prolonging and delaying in establishing Telangana state will have serious consequences to AP and to Congress party. Your own party men are articulating in public as to how big a damage it might cause to you and you party. A further delay is not in the interest of people of Telagnana, Country or Congress. There is nothing wrong in two states speaking Telugu. The only section opposing formation of separate state is a handful of people who accumulated wealth, power with mafia type of operations intimidating political parties and people. That is exactly what the people of Telangana want to get rid of, and that is the reason we are supporting their just and democratic struggle as responsible people. Forming Telangana state is in the interest of all the Telugu speaking people all over the world.

It is not about development; Telangana people have lost faith in AP. They do not want to live with political, economic and cultural domination. They want to live in peace. They just need their own state. They are prepared to continue this struggle for as long as it takes. We are with them in a small way. We request you to be democratic and listen to people and not to some individuals who are benefiting through unfair means and controlling the political process.

Finally, we would like to state the following. The time is of the essence for any political process. People of Telangana are feeling frustrated and pushed to the wall. The crooked people who are opposing the millions of people’s democratic choice are going to provoke and create violence to prove that they can further intimidate and oppress Telangana people. That will lead to violence and chaos which is what we want you to avoid. As a national leader with moral consciousness, as some one who understands and appreciates the democratic values, you should take a decision now, before it is too late.

We would like to briefly remind you the past. In 1969, in almost similar situation, a CM ordered police firing on the Telangana people. More than 370 young people lost their lives. We are sure you do not want that kind of situation to repeat. No one wants that to repeat, no one wants some mothers to lose their children fighting for their just demand. That is what we are deeply concerned.

The forces opposing Telangana state are determined to create violence and create confusion. They are determined to humiliate the Telangana people with their money, power and mafia type of political operations. They are comparing Telangana with Kashmir, that itself is an indication that how far they can go to oppress the people of Telangana. We firmly believe that you should be completely informed without filtration about the actual situation, its historical past and the implications related to Telangana. We are deeply concerned about the manipulation that is going on to keep you in the dark regarding Telangana issue.

We are seriously concerned about the events that might unfold in future to suppress the democratic and popular demand for Telangana. Please avoid the bloodshed. You can do that. Please do not claim or exclaim later that you were not aware of the situation. That is the reason we are appealing to you through this open letter. You have means to know the actual situation. Just do it through independent and trusted sources. Not knowing the facts is not going to help you or avoid the unfortunate events that might be instigated by the forces opposing Telangana. We want complete peace and we believe that you can help in the formation of Telangana state.

One thing is certain, Telangana state will be formed. Why not now? Keep your promise to Telangana people and share the glory. We appeal to you to start the process for the formation of Telangana. Start now without any further delay. Please note that it is in your hands to save or ruin the Congress party in Telangana.

Sincerely,

Telangana Supercop